Adlai Stevenson - History

Adlai Stevenson - History


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Henry Lewis Stimson

1867- 1950

American Statesman

1962


Henry Stimson was born in New York City on September 21, 1867. He went to Phillips Academy in Andover and then on to Yale College. After graduating college he went to Harvard Law School. He joined the New York law firm of Root and Clark in 1891

Henry Stimson served as Secretary of War under President Taft and later as Secretary of State under President Hoover. He came to work with Roosevelt during the transition from the Hoover Administration to the first Roosevelt one. During the latter part of the 1930's, he strongly supported Roosevelt's position on the world situation. Stimson also supported Roosevelt's Quarantine speech.

In June 1940, with France heading toward defeat, Roosevelt asked Stimson to become Secretary of War. Stimson was an active Secretary, devoting all his energies towards guiding the US armed forces to victory. He was also involved in the development of the atomic bomb.

Books

Colonel, The: The Life and Wars of Henry Stimson, 1867-1950

Henry L. Stimson: The First Wise Man (Biographies in American Foreign Policy)


October 26, 1962: Adlai Stevenson’s Unsung Role in the Cuban Missile Crisis (Part Seven)

Dr. Stern is the author of numerous articles and “Averting ‘the Final Failure’: John F. Kennedy and the Secret Cuban Missile Crisis Meetings” (2003), “The Week the World Stood Still: Inside the Secret Cuban Missile Crisis” (2005), and “The Cuban Missile Crisis in American Memory: Myths vs. Reality” (2012), all in the Stanford University Press Nuclear Age Series. He was Historian at the Kennedy Library from 1977 to 2000. This is the seventh in a series. Click HERE for previous installments.

October 26: Adlai Stevenson Takes on the ExComm

On the morning of Friday, October 26, U.N. ambassador Adlai Stevenson had flown to Washington to attend the ExComm meeting and explain efforts by the Secretary General to find a negotiated solution to the crisis in Cuba. Stevenson had been enjoying a burst of national popularity after he had out maneuvered the Soviet UN ambassador at a televised session of the UN Security Council. The president soon asked Stevenson to “give us your thoughts.”

The U.N. ambassador surely sensed that the ExComm was stacked against him: McGeorge Bundy, Douglas Dillon, John McCloy and John McCone were Republicans RFK had worked in Stevenson’s 1956 presidential campaign, but after becoming convinced that the Illinois governor was weak and indecisive had actually voted for Eisenhower JFK himself, never forgave Stevenson’s quixotic effort to pull off a third presidential nomination at the 1960 Democratic convention. The ambassador himself had not forgotten being misled into showing falsified CIA photographs at the UN in a failed Kennedy administration effort to conceal the American role in the April 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion the antagonism in the room directed toward Stevenson was almost palpable.

The ambassador, notwithstanding, intrepidly launched into an explanation and defense of the U.N. moratorium plan—which included a standstill on missile base construction in Cuba and a suspension of the U.S. naval blockade while negotiations take place. Dean Rusk demanded to know whether the standstill would include “the inoperability of the missiles.” “Well, that could not help,” Stevenson added softly. “I think it would be quite proper to attempt to keep them inoperable rather than to say that they should be rendered inoperable. “Well, when did they become inoperable?” McNamara bristled, “They’re operable now.” “Insurethat theyare inoperable!” Bundy demanded stridently. Even McCloy, who had been assigned to the UN to “assist” Stevenson in the negotiations (because of the Kennedys’ private doubts that the ambassador could really handle the Russians) demanded a much tougher stance because the missiles were aimed directly “at our hearts.”

The besieged U.N. ambassador, despite a chorus of hostile comments from around the table, then added that the Soviets would dismantle the bases and withdraw these weapons from the hemisphere, but “what they will want in return is, I anticipate, a new guarantee of the territorial integrity of Cuba. Indeed,” he argued audaciously, “that’s what they said these weapons were for—to defend the territorial integrity of Cuba” against another American-sponsored invasion—an argument that had been conspicuously if not glaringly missing from the ExComm discussions. Stevenson then dropped the other shoe: “It is also possible that the price that might be asked of us in the long-term negotiation might include dismantling bases of ours, such as Italy and Turkey.”

Stevenson had first suggested a possible missile trade when he had conferred with the president on October 17th—the second day of the crisis. But, in the entire 13 days of discussions, the UN ambassador was the only ExComm participant to raise Khrushchev’s central argument for the deployment of Soviet missiles in Cuba: that they were intended as a defensive effort to protect Castro and his government from the Kennedy administration’s secret war and a second attempt to invade Cuba. Stevenson soon left the meeting to take a phone call from an aide at the UN. (One can only imagine the mixed emotions experienced by the twice-defeated presidential candidate, who took the call alone in the Oval Office, perhaps sitting at the president’s desk.) With the ambassador out of the room, JFK bluntly declared that “nobody’s very much interested in” Stevenson’s proposal.

Robert Kennedy, in Thirteen Days, later claimed that JFK rejected Stevenson’s recommendation for a Cuba-Turkey missile swap. Ironically, that is exactly what the president did the very next day, over the objections of virtually the entire ExComm. Just weeks later, a magazine article, almost certainly the result of a leak from one or both of the Kennedys, charged that Stevenson had advocated “a Munich” at the October 26 ExComm meeting. The report squared perfectly with the emerging administration cover story that the president had rejected a Cuba-Turkey missile trade and had forced the Soviets to back down.


Adlai E. Stevenson II (FDR's Two Term Presidency)

Adlai E. Stevenson II was an American politician who served as 32nd President of the United States (1949 - 1953). Stevenson defeated New York Governor Thomas E Dewey in the 1948 presidential election,  Stevenson was considered an able and efficient administrator as he streamlined the Government of the state of Illinois, kept taxes and inflation in line, started a major public housing program for the homelessness in Illinois and promoted civil rights. 

Pre-Presidency:

Wallace's Administration was marred by events that favored him and many Americans wanted and begged him to run for a second term as he represented the ideas of FDR and was able to meet all of his promises by the end of 1946. Wallace however did not like the stress of the Presidency and considered not running for a second term as President, and would announce on National Television, given to all American Families with a signed letter from Wallace between 1946-1947, on March 13th 1948 that he would not run for a second term as President. Wallace's decision to not run again turned in good luck for an erudite former diplomat named Adlai Ewing Stevenson. Party leaders disliked Sen, Estes Kefauver, who won most of the primaries (which had little clout at the time).  Vice-President Harry Truman and former First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt urged Stevenson, a popular two term governor of Illinois to run. The grandson of a former vice president with the same name,

Stevenson had held several diplomatic and administrative positions in the Roosevelt and Wallace administrations.  In order to protect him from criticism, Stevenson's supporters had him refrain from announcing his candidacy as they worked behind the scenes to line up delegate support.  As host governor, Stevenson was picked to give the Keynote Address at the 1948 Democratic Convention in Chicago. His eloquent remarks swept the convention he was nominated on the third ballot, With a real chance to win, the Democrats took great care in choosing a vice presidential candidate, eventually tapping youthful Sen, John Sparkman of Alabama.  Sparkman, a moderate southerner, provided geographic and philosophical balance for Stevenson, a northern liberal.

On Election Day 1948, the Stevenson-Johnson ticket would defeat the Warren-Dewey Ticket with an electoral vote count of 259-239 with Dixiecrat candidate Strom Thurmond securing 39 Electoral Votes. None of the candidates would make the required 266 Votes required to become President and so the House voted on who would become the President. Even with Thurmond giving his 39 Votes to Warren, Stevenson would still win the election after the electors from New York, Ohio, and Pennsylvania voted for Stevenson making the total of the election in the House 360-169, making Stevenson and Sparkman the President-Elect and Vice-President Elect. It was one of the closet elections in U.S. history -- a shift of 24,000 votes in Texas and Wisconsin would have elected Warren.

Presidency:

Stevenson would be inaugurated as the 35th President of the United States on January 20th 1949, with Chief Justice Fred M. Vinson giving the oath of office to Stevenson at 12:55 PM EST and Supreme Court Justice Stanley Forman Reed giving the Vice-Presidential Oath of Office to Sparkman at 12:30 PM PST, therefore making Sparkman the President for twenty minutes.

President Stevenson would instantly try to make offers with Germany and Japan to try and make them allies of the United States, but they would refuse to negotiate with him or Vice-President Stevenson. This would drop his approval rating down from 84% to 59%. One of Stevenson's main goals as President was to reduce homelessness and fix the national economy after being ignored by both the Roosevelt and Wallace administrations. His first attempt at this was for that to give $2000 for every person that helped rebuild governmental buildings and towns that were still in ruins after the war. This would be sent to the House and would be shot down in 169-314 vote, it was almost brought up again in 1950 but was rejected due to the ongoing Korean War.

The Korean War would start on January 27th 1950, but Stevenson would wait to tell the nation about the war until two months in March 1950. He would not make that effort to deal with Communism in East Asia as the media had found out that he had given General Dwight D. Eisenhower the power to make all decisions concerned with the war as "he was too busy to handle a war that could span all the way to 1955 and the US would lose". This would encourage Eisenhower to use the same amount of strength he used in WWII half a decade earlier

President Stevenson announced that he would be running for a second term as President in 1952 and would re-secure the Democratic Nomination for President, but one of the major challenges was how unpopular he was, at a 58% Approval at the start of the general election, along with the other challenge of who woukd against him. Running against President Stevenson would be General Dwight D. Eisenhower, a huge surprise to him and the rest of the country. Eisenhower would win the 1952 Republican Primaries on April 15th 1952, and would compete in the general election against Stevenson from April 16th 1952 until Election Day.

On Election Day 1952, the Stevenson-Johnson ticket made history in the 1952 by becoming the first major ticket in US History to not win any state. It was one of the closet elections in U.S. history -- a shift of 24,000 votes in Texas and Wisconsin would have re-elected Stevenson. Stevenson would prove to be so unpopular with the American People that on his final full day as President on January 19th 1953, he would be at a 0% Approval Rating.

Eisenhower would be inaugurated as the 36th President of the United States on January 20th 1953, with Chief Justice Fred M. Vinson giving the oath of office to Stevenson at 12:55 PM EST and Supreme Court Justice Stanley Forman Reed giving the Vice-Presidential Oath of Office to Sparkman at 12:30 PM PST, therefore making Sparkman the President for twenty minutes.

Post-Presidency:

After Stevenson's presidency, he would go back to his residency in Libertyville, Illinois, where he would take up many activities such as painting, drawing, replying to letters and fan mail (he did not do this until 1957 due to his unpopularity not raising until around 1956)

He would run against Eisenhower again in 1956, and Stevenson had an easier time winning more states in 1956.  Against the Incumbent Republican ticket of President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Vice-President Sen, Richard Nixon, the Stevenson-Johnson ticket added the states of Mississippi, Arkansas, Missouri, Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, and South Carolina to its 1952 map for a 457-73 Electoral college victory and a 57.4 percent to 42 percent victory in the popular vote, but still lost to Eisenhower.


Adlai Stevenson, the original egghead

The last Unitarian nominated for president of the United States.

Stevenson loved language and was a gifted orator. A sharp wit, he could be both high-minded and self-deprecating. In one oft-quoted story, a supporter shouted, “Governor Stevenson, you have the vote of all the thinking people,” to which he replied, “That’s not enough, madam. I need a majority.” New York Herald Tribune columnist Stewart Alsop coined the term “egghead” to describe the urbane, intellectual, and balding Stevenson.

The talent among his speechwriters was breathtaking: Archibald MacLeish, John Kenneth Galbraith, John Hersey, Arthur Schlesinger Jr. Even so, he personally reworked every speech, often penciling in hundreds of changes, keeping crowds waiting, even letting them disperse, until he felt prepared. His advisers joked he’d rather write than be president, according to biographer Jean Baker.

His political opponents in 1952 were vicious: Vice presidential nominee Richard Nixon, red-baiting Senator Joseph McCarthy, and FBI director J. Edgar Hoover smeared the Stevenson campaign as a bunch of “pinks and pansies.”

In response, Stevenson quipped, “I would make a proposition to my Republican friends . . . that if they will stop telling lies about the Democrats, we will stop telling the truth about them.”

Stevenson enjoyed enormous popularity internationally and among the growing college-educated American middle class. Celebrities Humphrey Bogart, Lauren Bacall, and Eleanor Roosevelt campaigned for him.

Supporters adored him not just for his style but also for putting policy debate at the center of his campaign and for standing up to McCarthyism. His New America campaign foresaw programs Kennedy and Johnson were able to implement, and his calls for an end to nuclear testing became the Test Ban Treaty of 1963. Ever the Cold Warrior, he criticized the Eisenhower administration for losing half of Vietnam, and he favored a go-slow approach to civil and women’s rights, infuriating younger activists.

Between election cycles Stevenson traveled widely overseas. He had hoped to become Secretary of State in the next Democratic administration, but John F. Kennedy tapped him as United Nations ambassador, a position that suited his international experience and oratory skills.

At a high point of his career, in 1962 Stevenson famously demanded that the Soviet representative to the United Nations say whether his country was installing missiles in Cuba: “Don’t wait for the translation. Answer yes or no!” When the Soviet ambassador waffled, Stevenson produced photographs proving their existence.

Stevenson grew up Unitarian. His mother was a Republican Unitarian his father a Democratic Presbyterian. “I wound up in his party and her church, which seemed an expedient solution to the problem,” he liked to say.

When the Unitarian Universalist Association was formed in 1961, Stevenson wrote to the Rev. Dana McLean Greeley, its first president, “Congratulations on your election as president. I know from hearsay how satisfying that can be.”

After his son survived a serious auto accident in 1955, Stevenson joined the Presbyterian church in Lake Forest, Illinois, near his home. When some Unitarians accused him of using religion for political ends, Stevenson explained that he’d often attended the church of his father when he’d lived in towns with no Unitarian church, but he always felt loyal to his church back in Bloomington, Illinois. Ministers of both denominations wrote him, assuring him dual affiliation was no problem.

Stevenson died of a heart attack in London in 1965. President Lyndon Johnson, Vice President Hubert Humphrey, and author John Steinbeck attended his memorial service at the Unitarian Church in Bloomington. Greeley delivered the eulogy, calling Stevenson “a universal citizen.”


More About This Facility

Programs

Self-Guided Trails

Interpretive signs placed along self-guided trails provide historical information about the site. The peaceful setting allows visitors to experience the historic landscape similar to how it appeared when Stevenson lived here.

Self-guided trails around the property are open 6:30 am&ndashsunset, daily. Please keep dogs leashed and on trails at all times, and pick up after them. Learn about our off-leash Dog Parks (permit required).

Exhibits

The service building, and its exhibits about Stevenson's life and career, is open daily from 9 am&ndash5 pm.

Guided Tours

High school and community groups can arrange for a guided tour led by one of our Cultural Resources staff. Call 847-968-3422 for details.

Histort

In 1935, Adlai E. Stevenson II and his wife, Ellen Borden, purchased 70 acres of land on which to build a home for their family.

The first house they built, of "fireproof" construction, burned down soon after it was built. Many of the family's belongings and antiques were lost in the fire. The house standing today is the second house, built on the site in 1938. Like the first house, it was originally painted yellow, which was Ellen's favorite color.

The house is modern and Art Deco in style due to the simplicity of its design, and use of geometric shapes, symmetry, and features that are either stepped or curved. Art Deco was a popular international design movement during the 1920s and 1930s. The many large windows, porches, and decks featured throughout the home provide beautiful views of the expansive property.

The most important room in the house is the study. When he was at home, Stevenson spent the majority of his time at his desk in this room, writing speeches and books, and meeting with dignitaries such as Eleanor Roosevelt, a close friend and frequent guest at the home, and John F. Kennedy. Walking through the house and grounds will bring you one step closer to better understanding this extraordinary man.

The second building located on the property is the service building, built in 1937 by the firm of Anderson and Ticknor of Lake Forest, Illinois. This building housed the garage, horse stalls, and the apartment of the caretaker, Frank Holland, and his family. Holland was farm manager and caretaker for the Stevensons from 1937 to 1963, and again from 1965 to 1970.

Location

The Adlai E. Stevenson Historic Home is part of Captain Daniel Wright Woods Forest Preserve with separate parking available on Saint Mary's Road between Everett Road and Illinois Route 60.


Adlai Stevenson - History

Vice President Adlai E. Stevenson I

Governor Adlai E. Stevenson II

Senator Adlai E. Stevenson III

Adlai Ewing Stevenson I (October 23, 1835 - June 14, 1914) was a county prosecutor, Member of the US House of Representatives First Assistant Postmaster General in Grover Cleveland’s first term elected Vice President in 1892, unsuccessful candidate for Vice President with William Jennings Bryan in 1900 and for Governor of Illinois in 1912. His son, Lewis served as Illinois Secretary of State.

Adlai Ewing Stevenson II (February 5, 1900 – July 14, 1965) was a lawyer, he served in many assignments during the Roosevelt and Truman Administrations, including as assistant to the Secretary of the Navy during World War II and as an architect of the UN in the war’s aftermath. He was elected Governor of Illinois in 1948. As Democratic Presidential candidate in 1952 and 1956 and the Party’s “Titular” leader, he began the strategic arms control process and laid the programmatic foundation for the New Frontier of John F. Kennedy and the Great Society of Lyndon Johnson. In 1961, he was appointed Ambassador and US Representative to the United Nations and served in that position until his death.

Adlai Ewing Stevenson III (born October 10, 1930) is a lawyer and Marine Corps veteran of Korea, he served in the Illinois House of Representatives, as Illinois State Treasurer and in the US Senate from 1970 to 1981. He was the unsuccessful Democratic candidate for Governor of Illinois in 1982 and 1986 though the 1982 election was virtually tied. Notwithstanding evidence of widespread irregularities, he was denied a recount by one vote in the Illinois Supreme Court. Stevenson’s life has long focused on public policy and business related activities in East Asia. He has been awarded Japan’s Order of the Sacred Treasure with gold and silver stars and is an honorary Professor of Renmin University, PR China.


Adlai Stevenson’s Second Run

Adlai Stevenson ran for a second time against Eisenhower in 1956, but Eisenhower won the election even more convincingly than in 1952.

When the 1,372 delegates to the Democratic Party’s national convention gathered in Chicago on August 13th, 1956, Adlai E. Stevenson was a sure thing for the nomination as the Party’s candidate against the incumbent President Eisenhower.

It was his second chance, as he had run against Eisenhower unsuccessfully four years before. Now fifty-six, Stevenson came from an Illinois family with a distinguished record in Democratic politics: his grandfather had been Vice-President in the 1890s. With a successful law practice in Chicago and varied experience in Washington, he had taken a hand in the organization of the United Nations after 1945 and been elected Governor of Illinois in 1948. In 1952 after a brilliant speech to the Party convention he was chosen to run against Eisenhower. He had the support of the Chicago city bosses, who much preferred him to Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee, whose investigations of organized crime had perturbed them. Eisenhower won the 1952 election easily, with 55 per cent of the popular vote and a huge majority in the electoral college.

Over the next four years, Stevenson was the country’s leading Democrat. Intelligent, civilized and sophisticated, he was a witty and stylish speaker and the darling of Democratic intellectuals. It was entirely typical of him to say that ‘the hardest thing about any political campaign is how to win without proving that you are unworthy of winning.’ When 1956 came, Senator Kefauver started campaigning with a flourish, winning the Democratic primaries in New Hampshire and Minnesota, but then Stevenson bestirred himself. He took the crucial state of California handsomely and in July Kefauver withdrew from the contest and announced his support for Stevenson. At the convention Governor Stevenson’s candidature was moved by Senator John F. Ken­nedy of Massachusetts. Ex-President Harry S. Truman, who said that Stevenson was ‘too defeatist to win’, nominated Governor Averell Harriman of New York, but Stevenson won easily on the first ballot with 905-and-a-half votes, which was two-thirds of the total, far ahead of Harriman with 210, Senator Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas with 80 and assorted ‘favourite sons’ with fewer still. Stevenson gained all the votes of the delegations from ­eighteen states, including California, and the majority of the votes from seventeen more, Illinois and Massachusetts among them, as well as those of the delegates from Alaska, Hawaii and Puerto Rico. Governor Stevenson now announced that, contrary to all precedent, he would indicate no preference for a running mate. To the horror and stupefaction of the Party professionals, he left the choice of the candidate for Vice-President to the convention. After two ballots Senator Kefauver (Truman always privately called him ‘Cow-fever’) was elected with 750 votes against 593 for Senator Kennedy. Bottom of the list was Senator Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota with five votes. The one to gain most would be Kennedy, who acquired national prominence without having to run alongside a loser. Connoisseurs thought the ensuing campaign rather dull, despite occasional moments such as an obviously pregnant woman parading with a banner saying ‘Stevenson Is The Man’. Eisenhower spoke in lofty generalities. ‘Leave the yelling to the opposition’ was his advice to the Republicans, and it worked. Stevenson promised to end American testing of nuclear weapons and abolish the draft. Eisenhower opposed him on grounds of national security, and the Suez crisis and the Soviet suppression of the uprising in Hungary suggested to many Americans that Eisenhower was right. He won the election even more convincingly than in 1952, taking 58 per cent of the popular vote and winning the electoral college by 457 to 73.


Adlai Stevenson

The first time I saw Adlai Stevenson was in July, 1953. After the splendid but massive failure of his 1952 campaign he had spent five months travelling, mostly in Asia. He had received world acclaim to set against his national defeat. London was the last stage of his journey. I heard him speak briefly to an all-party House of Commons tea meeting. The chairman introduced him with a somewhat self-conscious impartiality: America was indeed fortunate to have been able to choose between two candidates of the distinction of General Eisenhower and Governor Stevenson.

Stevenson’s reply was less heavily felicitous. I recall it as being brief, graceful, self-deprecatory, and mildly moving. It was not Olympian, but it was agreeable and satisfying. It confirmed me, then a young backbencher with few American contacts, in a simple view that it was a tragedy he had not been elected.

I did not speak to him on that occasion. Nor did I know him until another seven or eight years had passed and he had suffered both the further defeat of 1956, still more overwhelming than the previous one, and, with the nomination and election of John F. Kennedy in 1960, the final elimination of his Presidential hopes. Then in the last four years of his life, when he was a renowned but not altogether happy ambassador to the United Nations, I saw him frequendy. I spoke to him on the telephone an hour before he died. I had sent a message asking him to meet some people at lunch at my house on the following day. He rang back to accept with the enthusiasm for any social engagement, particularly a small one, that he always managed to display. “Good,” he said as we concluded, “I will see you just after one o’clock tomorrow.” He did not. Later that afternoon he collapsed and died on the pavement of Brook Street.

He was sixty-five, having been born, conveniently for reckoning his age at stages in his career, at the beginning of 1900. He lived his life in the American equivalent of the British Victorian age. Unlike the original, it was not a period of peace. But in most other respects the first sixty years of this century bore for America many of the characteristics of the long years of the reign of the old Queen. There was the same sense of steadily expanding power, the same belief that rapidly increasing material wealth contained the key to most of the problems of the nation and the world, the same conviction that the domestic political system, whatever its blemishes, was the best that history had ever seen and that its fundamental principles, subject to a little special packaging, were suitable for export as well as for home consumption. Of course there were differences. The setback of the American slump years was more severe than anything known in Victorian England, but in the context of the century the miseries that followed 1929 were relatively short-lived. And the disparate nature of the origins of the American people, together with the tradition of violence that sprang out of the Civil War and the settlement of the West, meant that there was always a stronger undercurrent of fear and tension.

Throughout Stevenson’s lifetime, however, these did little more than dent the surface of American national self-confidence. His liberal voice spoke from within the framework of assurance. It was a voice that, even though it never achieved a position of full authority, helped to civilize and make more responsible this plenitude of American power. It made it more acceptable to the world. He challenged the complacency of Eisenhower and the selfrighteousness of John Foster Dulles and was a counterpoise to the roughness of Lyndon Johnson. But he was nonetheless a product, although a sensitive and unselfish one, of this period of American leadership. For him there was never a conflict between liberalism and commitment abroad. To be responsible was to be involved, from Berlin to Korea, from Southeast Asia to Latin America.

This background of power was far from giving him a brash self-assurance. He questioned from time to time whether he was suited to the office for which he strove for a decade and whether a public career was not necessarily corrupting of a man’s private personality. But he did not question the parameters within which, had he succeeded, he would have sought to exercise the supreme power or within which, without full success, he used the very considerable influence that his fame brought him.

There is a view that Stevenson was the quintessential upper-class figure in American politics. I think this view is wrong, both in fact and in inference. Stevenson did not come from a signally upper-class background. The American aristocracy is an aristocracy of wealth, preferably old wealth and mostly eastern seaboard. His family were well established, but they were not Easterners and, although thoroughly comfortable, had no vast wealth. He lived his life against a secure and established background, but he was much less affected by his family provenance and privileges than Franklin Roosevelt, or Nelson Rockefeller, or Averell Harriman. And as a politician his hesitancies, fastidiousness, and occasional incompetencies were much more the product of a complicated, rather wistful personality than of any social syndrome.

“Americans have always assumed, subconsciously, that all problems can be solved that every story has a happy ending that the application of enough energy and goodwill can make everything come out right. In view of our history, this assumption is natural enough. As a people we have never encountered any obstacle that we could not overcome. The Pilgrims had a rough first winter, but after that the colony flourished. Valley Forge was followed naturally by Yorktown. Daniel Boone always found his way through the forest. We crossed the Alleghenies and the Mississippi and the Rockies with an impetus that nothing could stop. The wagon trains got through the Pony Express delivered the mail… the Union was somehow preserved. We never came across a river we couldn’t bridge, a depression we couldn’t overcome, a war we couldn’t win. So far, we have never known the tragedy, frustration and sometimes defeat which are ingrained in the memories of all other peoples.” —1954

Stevenson was born in Los Angeles. His father, Lewis Stevenson, spent about ten years in various places on the West Coast, mainly because he thought it would be good for his always somewhat ailing health. In 1906 he came back to Illinois, to Bloomington, the hometown of himself and his wife and their many relations, and became a largescale farm manager, supervising twelve thousand acres on behalf of an aunt. Bloomington, a hundred twenty-five miles southwest of Chicago, then had about thirty thousand inhabitants and was an agreeable mixture of farm center and college town. The Stevenson forebears had been there since it became a settled community about 1850. They were all of old American stock and had come in from Pennsylvania, Kentucky, and the Carolinas.

Lewis Stevenson also engaged mildly in politics, becoming Illinois secretary of state in 1913. He knew the great national figures of the Democratic Party, to which he had a firm hereditary affiliation, and they treated him as a figure of considerable local importance.

Lewis Stevenson’s father, Adlai E. Stevenson i, was a more serious politician. He had been appointed Assistant Postmaster General in Grover Cleveland’s first administration and won the Vice-presidential nomination in 1892, when Cleveland became the only President ever to go back to the White House. Adlai i served his four years in Wash- ington and then returned to Bloomington. He died in 1914.

This was Stevenson’s family background: political, prosperous, rooted, small-town oriented. It was an agreeable and on the whole relaxed upbringing, marred by one dreadful and little-known incident. When he was twelve, he accidentally shot dead in his own house a sixteen-yearold girl, who was his sister’s closest friend and a distant cousin of them both. He was hardly guilty even of carelessness. The gun with which he was playing had been sent for and checked as empty of bullets by the older children. But the effect of the tragedy was temporarily devastating and musi have left some more permanent scars. It may have accounted for the fact that although he went to school in the East, as his father had done before him, he did not go until he was sixteen. He then went to Choate in Connecticut for two years and next to Princeton. He had some difficulty in getting in. Throughout his life, indeed, and contrary to widespread belief, his intellectual qualities were never particularly strong. He read comparatively little and very slowly, often moving his lips as he did so. He preferred to inform himself through the ear rather than the eye. He was quick to have some idea of what was in the books he had not read.

He graduated in 1922, went on to Harvard Law School, and was admitted to the Illinois bar in June, 1926. By the end of the year he had established himself, by Princeton rather than nepotic influence, as a law clerk in a Chicago firm of highest repute and the best possible financial contacts. For the rest of his life Stevenson became to some considerable extent a Chicago man. Bloomington rather faded into the background. He maintained the connection when campaigning in mid-Illinois, of course, but not much on other occasions.

It was his early Chicago life, more than his family and Bloomington upbringing, that put upon Stevenson something of the stamp of a Scott Fitzgerald socialite of the restless twenties. In fact he was not very restless, nor particularly pleasure-loving, and he worked hard, with growing but not sensational success, at the law. He lived mostly in a small apartment on the North Shore Gold Coast but spent much of the summer in a shared house at Lake Forest. So he was never far from the center of the social scene. The culmination of this phase of his life was his marriage in December, 1928, to Ellen Borden. She was rich, pretty, and barely twenty, one of the most soughtafter butterflies of the Chicago scene. She lived in a mockRenaissance chateau on Lake Shore Drive. Her father, rich by inheritance, both made and lost a lot of money. But in 1928 he, like most American men of property, was on the upswing.

The marriage was a gradual failure. Various explanations have been offered for this, the most frequent being that Ellen Stevenson resented the shift in the balance of fame and found no compensation in her husband’s mounting political success. At the beginning she was the more sought-after and he witty, charming, and easy social coinage, but superficially little more. At the end, twenty-one years later, he was a national figure, and the Borden fortune had largely disappeared. Not having known Mrs. Stevenson, I express no opinion. What is certain is that the breakup was a source of deep and lasting distress to Stevenson.

Stevenson’s first foray away from La Salle Street and Lake Forest came at the beginning of Roosevelt’s first term. Partly through the agency of Harold Ickes, the new Secretary of the Interior, he went to Washington for eighteen months as an assistant counsel in the Agricultural Assistance Administration. Then he returned to Chicago and his law practice. He became a partner in 1Q35 and with the reorganization and renaming of the firm in 1937 graduated to a major role and a steadily enlarging income. By the outbreak of the war in Europe he was making thirty or forty thousand dollars a year.

“Diplomacy… is not the art of asserting ever more emphatically that attitudes should not be what they clearly are. It is not the repudiation of actuality, but the recognition of actuality, and the use of actuality to advance our national interests.” —1954

During this period he also became increasingly involved in community affairs, notably the Council on Foreign Relations but also a few charities, a cross-party cleangovernment league, and some regular party activity at the time of Roosevelt’s second-term election. He was then thirty-six, and it is doubtful if he had ever before made a straight political speech. Nor did he make more than a handful for another twelve years thereafter. But he nonetheless began to make a minority-audience public name for himself. His introduction of visiting speakers at the council became known as models of wit and felicity. They were delivered in a throwaway manner. They were not so composed. On one occasion when he was asked to insert a new point, he recoiled in horror. He could not possibly do it without at least an hour’s further preparation.

In 1939 he spent the early summer in England and returned oppressed by the shadow of the coming war. Soon after his return he began his first substantial political enterprise, his first attempt to mold opinion. He became chairman of the Chicago chapter of William Alien White’s Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies. The length of the title was made necessary by an ambiguity of approach. The aim was to produce an Allied victory while keeping America at peace. Chicago was a key segment of the ideological battle line. Isolationist sentiment was strong there. Stevenson had to stand up to a lot of abuse, both public and private. He greatly disliked it, but his controversial nerves improved under the bombardment.

In July, 1941, he again took a job in Washington, as personal assistant to Frank Knox, whom Roosevelt had recently appointed Secretary of the Navy. Later that year he began to be attracted by elective office and contemplated the possibility of running for the United States Senate. But American entry into the war turned his thoughts away from that. He stayed with Knox until 1943, and was then sent to try to organize civil administration in Italy. At the end of the war and in early 1946 he was occupied with the organization of the United Nations.

A year after the end of war in Europe he was once more back in his Chicago law office. He was forty-six. He had refused an embassy. He had a good record of public service. He had developed a feel for diplomatic negotiation and some rather ill-directed sense of ambition. Not for the first or last time in his life he was uncertain what he wanted to do.

By the summer of 1947 he again began to be tentatively, mock-reluctantly, interested in elective office. A Presidential year was on the horizon. President Truman’s stock was low, and the likelihood of his defeat looked overwhelming. On the other hand the possibility of a Democrat of Stevenson’s stamp securing nomination in Illinois had improved. The old Kelly-Nash machine had been beaten in Chicago. Colonel Jacob Arvey had taken over as head of the Cook County Democratic organization. Maurice Kennelly, a successful Irish businessman with a reform reputation and a broad appeal, had triumphantly replaced Kelly as mayor.

As in 1941, it was the Senate that attracted Stevenson. If nominated, he could run against an isolationist incumbent who was an old enemy. If elected, he could pursue his main foreign-policy interests. A trio of influential Chicago gentlemen with little direct political involvement began to canvass actively on his behalf. There were also recommendations from Mrs. Roosevelt and Secretary Byrnes. Arvey was half-impressed. Mayor Kennelly’s success, and his own predilections, made him open to the idea of candidates with an appeal to middle opinion. But he was not sure about either Stevenson or his associates. He thought they might be too detached from the realities even of reformed Illinois politics. He made inquiries and gratefully received an assurance from Stevenson that, contrary to rumor, he had not been at Oxford, and “not even Eton.” Eventually Arvey gave them half of what they wanted. He preferred Paul Douglas for the Senate nomination, but Stevenson could run for governor. A thirtyman committee would make the formal decisions, but Arvey had made up his mind.

Stevenson had more difficulty in making up his. He finally gave a rather miserable positive answer five minutes before the deadline that Arvey had calmly set him. There was a good objective reason for his doubt. It was federal, not state, politics that interested him. But there were probably subjective factors, too. He always liked to be pressed to do a job rather than to seek it. To accept a bone that he had been tossed was not easily compatible with this stance.

Nevertheless it was, of course, a sizable bone. Illinois was a great state, and the governorship, with its tradition of Altgeld, a great office. In the past, at least, it had counted for more than the Senate. It took him back to his family roots. And as the campaign wore on he became captivated by the power and personality of a state that was almost a country.

“There’s an important difference, it seems to me, between Communism as we view it and Communism as some of the Asian peoples view it. When we think of Communism we think of what we are going to lose. When many of the Asiatics think of Communism they think of what they are going to gain—especially if they believe that they have nothing to lose.” —1952

The nomination was far from equivalent to election. Stevenson’s opponent was Dwight Green, who had been governor since 1940. He had started as a reformer, but he and his administration had deteriorated into lethargy and corruption. Green was nevertheless a considerable figure who, right up to the Republican convention, was a real possibility for either position on his party’s national ticket. His defensive position looked reasonably strong.

Stevenson’s campaign ran well but not easily. The machine, having tossed him the nomination, left him on his own until the last few weeks. His amateurs were enthusiastic but not very efficient. And his rich friends proved less forthcoming with their money than they had earlier suggested. He was occasionally down almost to his own resources. His speaking was at first rather hesitant and overprepared. Later the overpreparation did not show through, but it continued to occupy a great deal of his time and meant that his set-piece speeches could not be as thickly surrounded by handshaking expeditions as his supporters wished.

But he seemed to be making an impact upon the voters. His favorite campaign phrase was “I am not a politician, I am a citizen.” By the eve of the election his prospects had clearly advanced well beyond the ten-to-one chance that was all he had been allowed in the summer. But his supporters were far less confident than he was himself.

In the event he won a landslide victory, with a record majority of more than a half million.

By his 1948 victory Stevenson established himself as a vote getter in a key state. It remained to be seen what he would make of the governorship of Illinois. The next four years gave him the only opportunity of his life for the exercise of major executive responsibility. They are therefore important in any evaluation of how good a President he would have made.

He worked extremely hard. In part this was a reaction to the breakup of his marriage after nine months at Springfield. This left him somewhat lonely in the Executive Mansion, oversized in its pre-Civil War gingerbread style. Yet he was not alone. His sister and her retired diplomat husband soon moved in. He had a lot of friends, whom he was frequently with there or elsewhere. And he was surrounded by a devoted staff, mostly of young Chicago lawyers, with whom he was on easy and intimate terms. It was not absolute loneliness but more a desire to prove himself by public success to compensate for private failure. “I have failed as a husband. I have failed as a father. I will succeed as a governor,” he rather overdramatically told his sister when, late one night, she tried to drag him away from his office.

Yet the keynote of his administration was certainly not demonic. It was far too urbane for that. He rarely lost his temper. He was confronted with a difficult legislature: a bare but fairly corrupt Democratic majority in the house, a Republican one in the state senate. He eschewed deals, sometimes quite respectable ones, but maintained relations with all who could help him and resorted to occasional polite and moderately effective public admonition. He got two-thirds of his legislative program through, but the last third contained many of the most important measures.

If the legislature frustrated some of his bills, so he frustrated some of theirs. He was one of the most elegant drafters of veto messages in the history of American executive office. This elegance reflected itself in his speaking style, which became firmly established during these years. It was self-deprecatory, evocative, and literary, and it raised the sights of most of his audiences without disappearing over their horizons. He did not hold them by flashing eye or stirring populism, but he caressed them with a persuasive high-mindedness without in most instances causing a deep unease. He did not shock his listeners, but he tried hard to explain to them the more difficult issues.

If there was a fault of form, it was a lack of a hard structure of logical argument. He shone shafts of light and wit into most subjects, but he did not relentlessly take the subjects apart and then put them together again in his own mold. His speeches were isolated works of art rather than stations on a line along which he wished to travel. He half acknowledged this when, at the end of his political career, he was introducing John Kennedy in California: “Do you remember,” he said, “that in classical times when Cicero had finished speaking, the people said, ‘How well he spoke,’ but when Demosthenes had finished speaking, they said, ‘Let us march’ ?”

Stevenson’s reputation increased steadily throughout his period as governor. He gave the state better government in a nonideological way. He took the highway police and some other agencies out of politics. He got better men to accept public appointments. He vastly improved the provision for mental health. As his term went on, his national publicity grew into a favorable flood. He was clearly of Presidential quality.

Yet he did not want to be a candidate in 1952. He wanted to go on as governor. This was partly out of shrewdness and partly out of modesty. Once he realized that Elsenhower was likely to be the Republican candidate, he did not believe that with twenty years of office round their necks the Democrats could win. He also had some doubt about his own fitness for the supreme office. And to this he added a special fastidiousness about taking the plunge into full and lasting fame. “I can’t bear the possibility of never really being alone again,” he told a friend, “of never, as long as I live, being unidentified, of never again being a private person.” Accordingly, when Truman summoned Stevenson to Washington in January, 1952, and offered him Presidential support for the nomination, Stevenson said No. But the Stevenson boom continued to grow.

The convention assembled in Chicago in mid-July. On the Sunday Stevenson met the Illinois delegation and reiterated his reluctance: “I ask … that you all abide by my wishes not to nominate me, nor to vote for me if I should be nominated.” On the Monday he went some way to neutralize this by a welcoming speech, which as governor of the home state it naturally fell to him to make and which was perfectly phrased to arouse the enthusiasm of the delegates. One act of self-discipline that he could not impose upon himself was deliberately to make a bad speech.

On the Thursday his name was placed in nomination by the governor of Indiana. On the Friday balloting began. On the third ballot he was quickly pushed over the required total.

It was the only draft in American history apart from that of Garfield in 1880, and that was on the thirty-sixth ballot. But even Stevenson’s took a little time. When it had happened, but only then, he accepted Truman’s sponsorship. He entered the convention hall with the President and was presented to the delegates by him. His acceptance speech contained some notable passages, both of phrase and of substance, although, oddly, the style in places now reads a little floridly. But the central message was clear: Let’s talk sense to the American people. Let’s tell them the truth, that there are no gains without pains. … The people are wise- wiser than the Republicans think. And the Democratic Party is the people’s party, not the labor party, not the farmers’ party—it is the party of everyone. That, I think, is our ancient mission. Where we have deserted it, we have failed. With your help there will be no desertion now. Better we lose the election than mislead the people better we lose than misgovern the people.

Stevenson had set his own style for the campaign, except that there were no jokes on this occasion. He would make a high-minded, nonpartisan appeal, stressing America’s world role and world duty. His reluctance right to the last moment was no doubt genuine. Had it been a calculated cloak for a relentless, unvarying ambition, it would have required not merely a degree of self-deceit that was alien to his character but also a monumental nerve and selfconfidence that were equally unlike him.

At the same time there was an element of a two-way bet about his behavior. Maybe he was not equipped for the Presidency. In any event, 1956 might be a better year. But if he was to be the candidate in 1952, he had to be on his own terms. He had to be free of at least some part of Truman’s legacy. He had to fight, not as an heir, but as someone who would introduce a new spirit into Washington. His reluctance lost him Truman’s friendship but gave him as much of this freedom as it was possible for any Democrat to achieve.

It did not give him victory. Eisenhower was ahead at the beginning and remained so throughout. Probably it could not have been otherwise. Eisenhower was as near to unbeatable as it was possible to be. His combination of folksiness and reassurance was immensely appealing to Middle America. It made him impervious to Stevenson’s higherminded, more articulate campaign.

“And to the Soviet Union I would say: There are laws of history more profound, more inescapable than the laws dreamed up by Marx and Lenin- laws which belong not to class relationships or stages of economic development, but to the nature and the destiny of man himself. Among these laws is the certainty that war follows when new empires thrust into collapsing ruins of the old. So stay your ambitions … do not sabotage the only institution [the United Nations] which offers an alternative to imperialism.” —1961

Eisenhower would “lead a crusade” (he had led one already, he stressed) to “clear up the mess in Washington.” He would be hard on corruption and communism. Still more important for vote winning was his “I shall go to Korea” statement at Detroit on October 24. The war there hung heavily over the nation throughout the campaign. Although more creditable and successful than its successor in Vietnam, it was nonetheless almost as unpopular, although less frenetically so. Eisenhower’s promise to go there came as a shaft of light. Most Americans did not ask what he would do when he arrived. The General would surely find a way out. Stevenson responded with a clearly argued but defensive antiappeasement statement. It was less appealing than the hopeful ambiguity of his opponent.

“7 don’t share the concern of some of my contemporaries about student demonstrations. I rather like their involvement in great issues. But if I could offer demonstrators one word of advice I would say that to state goals is easy to tell us how to get there is not so easy. ” —1965

It was an exchange that was typical of the campaign. Stevenson’s speeches were more responsible, better phrased, better delivered, enlivened by a wit that was wholly lacking in Eisenhower (“I offer my opponents a bargain: if they will stop telling falsehoods about us, I will stop telling the truth about them”), and better received by the immediate audiences. But they made less impact across the nation, partly because they were less well reported by an overwhelmingly Republican press and partly because their message was less simple. Stevenson also spread his effort across too wide and diffuse a range of subjects.

Eisenhower’s campaign had some seamy edges. He did not disavow McCarthyism and indeed appeared with the senator in Wisconsin, cutting out of his speech there a passage of praise for General George Marshall, whom McCarthy had viciously attacked, which had been in the original draft. This aroused Stevenson’s particular contempt. “Crusade indeed” was his comment. Marshall was “General Eisenhower’s greatest benefactor.” Yet the General had given his hand to those, not only McCarthy, but also Senator Jenner of Indiana, who had traduced him. This was a break from Stevenson’s habit of courteous, almost overcourteous, treatment of his opponent. He reserved most of his acerbic remarks for the then Senator Nixon, second man on the Republican ticket, who specialized in suggesting that the Democratic candidate was steeped in the Acheson-inspired conspiracy to hand over the United States to communism. Stevenson called him “the brash and patronizing young man who aspires to be Vice President” and forcibly defended his own position in terms of classical liberalism.

Stevenson wound up his campaign in Chicago, where it had started, and awaited the returns in Springfield. At 9 P.M. he was told what the result would be and accepted it calmly.

He carried only nine states, all in or on the edge of the South. A few hours later Stevenson went across to his local hotel headquarters and conceded graciously. He added, spontaneously it seemed, that someone had once asked a fellow townsman—Lincoln—how it felt to lose: “He said that it felt like a little boy who had stubbed his toe in the dark. He said that he was too old to cry, but it hurt too much to laugh.” He was as urbane in defeat as he had been four years before in victory.

Defeat in the Presidential campaign of 1952 left Adlai Stevenson with a lasting fame, both at home and abroad dedicated minority support, particularly among the educated young, balanced by a strong current of criticism from others about the way in which he had conducted the campaign and no very clear political role. His ardent supporters felt that he had widened their horizons and given them a purpose and commitment in politics that they had never before experienced. His detractors pointed out, with some justification, that he had been aloof, not very good on television, above the heads of much of his audience, sometimes elegantly flippant when he ought to have been stolidly earnest, and rather ill-organized. His lack of a clear future role was endemic in the American system. He automatically remained the titular head of his party. But he had no forum in which to exercise his leadership and 1956 was a long way off, with a second attempt for a defeated candidate nearer to the exception than the rule.

“While I am not in favor of maladjustment, I view this cultivation of neutrality, this breeding of mental neuters, this hostility to eccentricity and controversy with grave misgiving. One looks back with dismay at the possibility of… Wesley contentedly administering a country parish, George Washington going to London to receive a barony from George in, or Abraham Lincoln prospering in Springfield with never a concern for the preservation of the crumbling Union.” —1955

He did not return to the law until 1954. The substantial office that he set up in Chicago was for the practice of politics. He travelled a lot, he spoke a lot. He remained in the news. His speeches were at first directed mainly to foreign affairs and were a little bland. They achieved more effect when he turned to a hard domestic issue. His attack on McCarthyism at Miami Beach in March, 1954, made a significant contribution to the turning back of that malign tide. This was followed by a notably successful part in the midterm elections of the following autumn. In six weeks he spoke in thirty-four states, and his speeches had more bite than in 1952. The Democrats regained control of both houses of Congress. It was a considerable victory and improved both Democratic morale and Stevenson’s stock.

But it did not mean that Elsenhower was dangerously vulnerable for 1956. He was always able to ride above the misfortunes of his party as well as the mistakes of his administration. And the collapse of McCarthy closed a Republican flank. If Stevenson had reason to be hesitant about 1952, he had still more reason for hesitancy in 1956. There were obvious attractions in missing a turn and waiting to run against a new Republican in 1960. He was unlikely to be forgotten.

“When I was a boy I never had much sympathy for a holiday speaker. He was just a kind of interruption between the hot dogs, a fly in the lemonade.” — 1952

To these attractions he was impervious. He did not push himself hard or prematurely, but by 1955 he made it obvious that he wanted the nomination. And this time he had to work hard for it. At the convention, again in Chicago, he was comfortably nominated on the first ballot. But he paid a price for this. The primaries left him tired before the real campaign began. And they also left him a little shop-soiled. There was a new tendency to say, “He’s just another politician.” Altogether the 1956 campaign, although in some ways more professional, lacked something of both the sparkle and the inspiration of 1952. It was intended to be domestically oriented. There was also to be a determined attempt to show Stevenson as a vigorous yet experienced challenger to a President who had been at best half-time and was now manifestly not up to the job.

The strategy failed. Elsenhower was so brilliantly packaged and presented that whenever he got to a television studio, he looked much fitter than his rushed and tired opponent. Stevenson’s attack also got diverted, perhaps by a natural predilection, on to foreign- and defense-policy issues. He demanded an end to H-bomb tests and the replacement of the draft by a professional army. He was almost certainly right on both points, but he totally failed to convince ordinary American opinion that he could be more expert on either than the great General. Then, in the last days of the campaign, the Suez war obtruded sharply.

The strength of the Democrats was that people instinctively associated the Republicans with big business and neglect of the small man at home. The strength of the Republicans was that people instinctively feared that the Democrats were the war party. The diversion of strategy reduced the first strength and increased the second. It helped to produce a victory for Eisenhower still more decisive than that of 1952. Stevenson carried only seven states.

This second defeat was much worse for Stevenson than the first. On the former occasion he had greatly enhanced his reputation. He started the campaign as a successful governor. He ended it as a world figure. And he could husband this reputation and live to fight another day. In 1956 he had gained nothing, and on any likely prognosis he was at the end of the road. Only Clay and Bryan in American history had been allowed third attempts, and Bryan’s were not consecutive.

A month after the election Stevenson issued a formal statement of withdrawal. He would continue to work for the Democratic Party and to warn the American people “against complacency and a false sense of security,” but he would not again be a candidate.

Stevenson was able to keep his imprint on Democratic policy. His stamp remained that of anticomplacency at home and deep commitment abroad.

There is little doubt that as the 1960 election came nearer he became tempted by the prospect of a third try. He would hardly have been human had he felt otherwise. He had devoted some of his best years to fighting when it was not possible to win. For 1960 the prospect looked quite different. Nixon seemed to be emerging as the most likely successor. Stevenson viewed him with strong disapproval verging upon contempt. He was certain he could beat him. Moreover he was constantly told, everywhere he went in the world, that he was the man to whom humanity was looking for the reburnishment of America’s leadership.

He therefore determined on a compromise course. If he was offered the nomination, he would accept it, but he would do nothing to seek it. Right up to the end he appeared to be hovering on the brink of a more positive move. He got appeals, from Mrs. Roosevelt, from Senator Humphrey, from a host of others, to declare himself a candidate. He continued to be available but undeclared.

“I am not an old experienced hand at politics. But I am now seasoned enough to have learned that the hardest thing about any political campaign is how to win without proving that you are unworthy of winning.” —1956

This was still his status when he arrived at the Los Angeles convention. His supporters had been there before him, working hard. There was no doubt that they were running him as a candidate, whatever he was doing himself. The Kennedy bandwagon was rolling fast, but it was still short of a first-ballot victory, and it was at that stage arousing more professional admiration than popular enthusiasm. Many thought that if Stevenson would give a clear lead and set alight the latent flames of nostalgic affection and respect that were smoldering in the hearts of many delegates, the convention could still be turned.

There were a number of occasions when he might have done this. He refused them all. Yet he allowed his name to be placed in nomination. Indeed he actually suggested the proposer, Senator Eugene McCarthy of Minnesota. It was an excellent choice—but for what purpose?—and pro- duced the greatest oratorical feat of the week. “Do not turn away from this man,” McCarthy said. “Do not reject this man who has made us all proud to be Democrats.”

Meanwhile Stevenson had already started work on a speech introducing John Kennedy to a postconvention rally. Altogether it was a most mystifying week’s performance. It was certainly not calculated to endear him to the Kennedy camp. He had taken too much of the gilt off their gingerbread for that. Nor did he make it easy for his friends. Yet they did not revolt or even complain. Their springs of loyalty and affection were too deep.

“Unreason and anti-intellectualism abominate thought. Thinking implies disagreement and disagreement implies nonconformity and nonconformity implies heresy and heresy implies disloyalty—so, obviously, thinking must be stopped. But shouting is not a substitute for thinking and reason is not the subversion but the salvation of freedom.” —1954

This was the last week of his political career. It had lasted twelve and a half years. Thereafter everything was, not bathos, but anticlimax. Stevenson accepted the ambassadorship to the United Nations, sweetened by the rather meaningless prestige symbol of Cabinet membership.

For Kennedy it was a brilliant appointment. Stevenson discharged his duties with flair and imagination. It was no longer his own standard, but that of an administration with which he was not wholly in sympathy, that he carried. But he did it with most of his old distinction. He continued to foster world respect for the United States. But he again paid a price. He was under instructions. He defended causes in which he did not believe. He was no longer his own man. He lived in luxury and esteem at the top of the Waldorf Towers. He used his eloquence. He was warmly welcoming to the delegates of the emergent nations. He saw his old friends and went to too many parties. He thought of resigning and trying to run for the Senate but did not do so. It was certainly not the happiest period of his life. And then it all ended on a July afternoon in a Mayfair street.

Stevenson, with the possible exception of Bryan, was the most famous unsuccessful candidate in American history. By definition, therefore, he was a failure in his central purpose. But he inspired a generation. And he influenced the world view of the United States more than any other politician who never handled the levers of full power.

“Oh, what I would really like is just to sit in the shade with a glass of wine in my hands and watch the dancers.” —1965


Adlai Stevenson II

In 1928, Stevenson married Ellen Borden, a well-to-do socialite. The younger couple quickly grew to become widespread and acquainted figures on the Chicago social scene they particularly loved attending and internet hosting costume events. [18] They had three sons: Adlai Stevenson III, who would develop into a U.S. Senator Borden Stevenson, and John Fell Stevenson. In 1935, Adlai and Ellen bought a 70-acre (28 ha) tract of land alongside the Des Plaines River close to Libertyville, Illinois, a rich suburb of Chicago. They constructed a house on the property and it served as Stevenson’s official residence for the remainder of his life. Although he spent comparatively little time there because of his profession, Stevenson did contemplate the property to be his dwelling, and within the Nineteen Fifties, he was usually known as “The Man from Libertyville” by the nationwide information media. Stevenson additionally bought a farm in northwestern Illinois, simply outdoors Galena, the place he ceaselessly rode horses and saved some cattle.

A 12 months after leaving Harvard, Stevenson took an interest within the regulation once more after speaking to Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr. When he returned dwelling to Bloomington, he determined to complete his diploma at Northwestern University School of Law, attending lessons through the week and returning to Bloomington on the weekends to put in writing for the Pantagraph. Stevenson obtained his J.D. diploma from Northwestern in 1926 and handed the Illinois state bar examination that 12 months. He obtained a place at Cutting, Moore & Sidley, one in all Chicago’s oldest and most prestigious regulation corporations. [17]

He attended Princeton University, changing into managing editor of The Daily Princetonian, a member of the American Whig-Cliosophic Society, [12] a member of the Quadrangle Club, and obtained a B.A. diploma in 1922 in literature and historical past. [13] Under prodding from his father he then went to Harvard Law School, however discovered the regulation to be “uninteresting”, and withdrew after failing a number of lessons. [14] He returned to Bloomington the place he wrote for the household newspaper, The Daily Pantagraph, which was based by his maternal great-grandfather Jesse Fell. The Pantagraph, which had one of many largest circulations of any newspaper in Illinois outdoors of the Chicago space, was a major supply of the Stevenson household’s wealth. [15] Following his mom’s demise in 1935, Adlai inherited one-quarter of the Pantagraph’s inventory, offering him with a big, reliable supply of revenue for the remainder of his life. [16]

Stevenson left Bloomington High School after his junior 12 months and attended University High School in Normal, Illinois, Bloomington’s “twin metropolis”, simply to the north. He then went to boarding college in Connecticut at The Choate School (now Choate Rosemary Hall), the place he performed on the tennis staff, acted in performs, and was elected editor-in-chief of The Choate News, the college newspaper. [9] Upon his commencement from Choate in 1918, [10] he enlisted within the United States Naval Reserve and served on the rank of Seaman Apprentice, however his coaching was accomplished too late for him to take part in World War I. [11]

Stevenson was raised within the metropolis of Bloomington, Illinois his household was a member of Bloomington’s higher class and lived in one of many metropolis’s well-to-do neighborhoods. On December 30, 1912, on the age of twelve, Stevenson by accident killed Ruth Merwin, a 16-year-old pal, whereas demonstrating drill approach with a rifle, inadvertently left loaded, throughout a celebration on the Stevenson dwelling. [6] Stevenson was devastated by the accident and infrequently talked about or mentioned it as an grownup, even together with his spouse and kids. [7] However, in 1955 Stevenson heard a few girl whose son had skilled an analogous tragedy. He wrote to her that she ought to inform her son that “he should now stay for 2”, which Stevenson’s associates took to be a reference to the capturing incident. [8]

Adlai Ewing Stevenson II was born in Los Angeles, California, in a neighborhood now designated because the North University Park Historic District. His dwelling and birthplace at 2639 Monmouth Avenue has been designated as a Los Angeles Historic-Cultural Monument. [2] He was a member of a distinguished Illinois political household. His grandfather and namesake Adlai Stevenson I used to be Vice President of the United States beneath President Grover Cleveland from 1893 to 1897. His father, Lewis Stevenson, by no means held an elected workplace, however was appointed Illinois Secretary of State (1914–1917) and was thought of a robust contender for the Democratic vice-presidential nomination in 1928. A maternal great-grandfather, Jesse W. Fell, had been an in depth pal and marketing campaign supervisor for Abraham Lincoln in his 1858 US Senate race Stevenson usually referred to Fell as his favourite ancestor. [3] Stevenson’s eldest son, Adlai E. Stevenson III, grew to become a U.S. Senator from Illinois (1970–1981). His mom was Helen Davis Stevenson, and he had an older sister, Elizabeth Stevenson Ives, an creator who was known as “Buffie”. Actor McLean Stevenson was a second cousin as soon as eliminated. [4] He was the nephew by marriage of novelist Mary Borden, and she or he assisted within the writing of a few of his political speeches. [5]

In each the 1952 and 1956 presidential elections, Stevenson was defeated in a landslide by Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower. He unsuccessfully sought the Democratic presidential nomination for a 3rd time on the 1960 Democratic National Convention. After President John F. Kennedy was elected, he appointed Stevenson because the United States Ambassador to the United Nations. Stevenson served from 1961 till his demise in 1965 from a coronary heart assault in London, following a United Nations convention in Switzerland.

Raised in Bloomington, Illinois, Stevenson was a member of the Democratic Party. [1] He served in quite a few positions within the federal authorities through the Thirties and Forties, together with the Agricultural Adjustment Administration, Federal Alcohol Administration, Department of the Navy, and the State Department. In 1945, he served on the committee that created the United Nations, and he was a member of the preliminary U.S. delegations to the UN. He was the thirty first governor of Illinois from 1949 to 1953, and he received the Democratic Party’s nomination for president within the 1952 and 1956 presidential elections.

Adlai Ewing Stevenson II ( / ˈ æ d l eɪ / February 5, 1900 – July 14, 1965) was an American lawyer, politician, and diplomat.


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