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This is the remarkable true story of a young army glider pilot’s experience of the last days in the defence of Arnhem Bridge, his eventual capture and then escape to be adopted by the Resistance, the hair-raising journey through occupied Europe and his eventual return to the UK. After capture Freeman was first taken to Apeldoorn where he was hospitalized, claiming shell-shock. Although quite sane, he feigned trauma with escape in mind, until being punished for aiding the escape of four Allied inmates. Then he was put on a train bound for Germany, from this he escaped and eventual made contact with the Dutch underground. He is given civilian cloths and a bicycle and rides overnight to Barnveld where he stays with a schoolmaster and church organist. Then another cycle ride to a farm where he sleeps in the hayloft and finally still on his bike, he rides through the German front lines. He eventually is returned to RAF Broadwell by Dakota to resume his part in the war, from capture to freedom within a month. The text is interspersed with flashbacks to the author’s childhood and early training, capturing the true spirit of a typical modest and yet outstandingly brave young man of the wartime era.
With its distinctive, twin-tailed design, the P-38 was one of the most recognizable fighter aircraft of World War II. It was also one of the best. The perfect balance of speed, firepower and range, it made a formable opponent during the crucial battles for the Solomon Islands and New Guinea. In response, the Japanese worked with the Germans to develop the Ki-61, a heavy air superiority fighter with an impressive array of firepower. In head-to-head match-ups, the P-38 proved the superior fighter, but individual duels often came down to the ability and experience of the individual pilots. This book recreates these fast, deadly duels in the skies of the Pacific using dramatic artwork and first-hand accounts.
Official History of the Canadian ArmyIn the Second World War
Maps drawn by
Captain C.C.J. Bond
Published by Authority of the Minister of National Defense
Canadian Tanks in Sussex
From a watercolour by Major W.A.Ogilvie, M.B.E.
Ram II tank of the Headquarters Squadron of the 5th Canadian Armoured Division
training in Ashdown Forest, September 1942.
In the writing of this volume the author has been given full access to relevant official documents in possession of the Department of National Defence but the inferences drawn and the opinions expressed are those of the author himself, and the Department is in no way responsible for his reading or presentation of the facts as stated.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Organization, Training and Home Defence in Canada
|I.||The Canadian Militia On the Eve of War|
|The Canadian Tradition||3|
|The Approach of the Crisis||5|
|The New Defence Programme and its Problems||7|
|The New Programme Develops, 1937-1939||15|
|Theh Reorganization of the Militia||18|
|The Problem of Supply||20|
|The Coast Defence Programme||26|
|Defence Schemes and Mobilization Planning||29|
|The Last Days of Peace||33|
|The General State of Preparation, 1939||35|
|II.||The Outbreak of War and the Mobilization of the Active Service Force, 1939|
|The Approach of War||38|
|"Adopt Precautionary Stage Against Germany"||40|
|War in Europe: The Mobile Force is Mobilized||42|
|Canada Goes to War||46|
|Mobilizing the Units of the Active Service Force||49|
|The Response of the Country||53|
|The Decision to Send Troops Overseas||58|
|The Technical Troops for Britain||64|
|Paying for the Military Effort, 1939||68|
|III.||The Expansion of the Army, 1939-1943|
|The Completion of the 2nd Division||72|
|The Summer Crisis of 1940: Formation of the 3rd and 4th Divisions||76|
|Canadian Troops for Iceland||83|
|The Formation of the Canadian Corps||86|
|The Army Programme for 1941||87|
|The Modification and Approval of the 1941 Programme||90|
|The Development of the Army Programme for 1942||93|
|First Canadian Army Comes into Existence||98|
|The Final Composition of the Field Force||100|
|The First Special Service Force||104|
|Organization of the Canadian Army Overseas at its Peak||108|
|IV.||Recruiting and Training in Canada|
|Making an Army in an Unmilitary Society||110|
|Reiance Upon Voluntary Service||110|
|Recruiting in the Early Days, 1939-1941||112|
|The Beginnings of Manpower Scarcity, 1941-1942||115|
|The National Resources Mobilization Act: Compulsory Service for Home Defence||118|
|The Extension of Compulsory Sevice||120|
|Changes in the M.R.M.A. and its Administration, 1942-1943||122|
|The Canadian Women's Army Corps||124|
|The Selection of Officers for the Army||127|
|The Training Process in Canada||132|
|The Training of Mobilized Units||132|
|The Organization of Training Centres||133|
|Training Developments in 1942-1944||134|
|Special Training Establishments and Trades Training||136|
|Training the C.W.A.C.||137|
|The Training of Officers||138|
|The Royal Canadian Army Cadets||141|
|The History of Private Jones||141|
|V.||Defending the Soil of Canada, 1939-1945|
|The Nature of the Problem||145|
|Early Measures for the Defence of Canada||146|
|The Guarding of "Vulnerable Points"||149|
|The Development of Fixed Defences, 1939-1944||151|
|Theh Development of Anti-Aircraft Defences||157|
|The Secuity of the Atlantic Coast After Dunkirk||160|
|The Security of the Pacific Coast After Pearl Harbor||165|
|Home Defence at its Peak||174|
|Security Measures Against the Submarine Menace in the Lower St. Lawrence||176|
|The Japanese Balloon Enterprise||177|
|The Canadian Army in Newfoundland||178|
|Canadian Troops in the West Indies and the Caribbean||181|
|The Role of the Reserve Army||183|
|Disbandment of the Home Defence Divisions, 1943-1944||183|
The Army in Britain, 1939-1945
|VI.||The Growth of the Army Overseas and Organization in Britain|
|Moving the Troops to Britain||189|
|Canadian Military Headquarters||194|
|Organization of C.M.H.Q., 1945||198|
|Canadian Reinforcement Units and other Units under C.M.H.Q. Command||203|
|The Canadian Forestry Corps||207|
|The Canadian Women's Army Corpos Overseas||210|
|VII.||Command and Control of Canadian Forces in the United Kingdom|
|Problems of Control||212|
|Relationship Between C.M.H.Q. and Field Headquarters||212|
|Relationship Between N.D.H.Q. and the Army Overseas||215|
|Changes and Reorganization, 1943-1944||221|
|VIII.||Training the Army Overseas|
|The Beginning of Overseas Training||230|
|Training to Defeat Invasion, 1940-1941||234|
|Manoeuvers on the Grand Scale, 1941||238|
|Improvements in Organization and Methods||240|
|Offensive Training, 1942-1943||243|
|Battle Experience in North Africa||248|
|Exercise S PARTAN , March 1943||249|
|The Final Stages, 1943-1944||251|
|IX.||Alarums and Excursions, 1940|
|The Role andn Problems of the Canadian Army Overseas||254|
|Authority to Commit Canadian Forces to Operations||254|
|The Proposal to Send Canadian Troops to Norway||257|
|A NGEL M OVE : The 1st Division and the Crisis in the Low Countries, May 1940||263|
|The Dunkirk Evacuation||269|
|First Measures Against the Invasion Menace||273|
|Forlorn Hope: The Second B.E.F., June 1940||274|
|The Role of the Second B.E.F.||276|
|The 1st Brigade in France||279|
|A Reckoning of Didsappointment||284|
|The Invasion Summer||285|
|The Storm that Did Not Burst||290|
|The Canadian Corps||294|
|X.||Tasks and Operations, 1941-1942|
|The Situation at the Beginning of 1941||296|
|The Corps Moves Into Sussex||297|
|Sappers at Gibraltar||299|
|The Expedition to Spitsbergen||301|
|General McNaughton's Authority is Widened||307|
|Raiding Projects and the Raid on Hardelot||308|
|Allied Grand Strategy in 1942||310|
|Decision in July||317|
|Major Raiding Projects, 1942||323|
|The Origins of the Raid on Dieppe||325|
|Planning and Training for the Raid||330|
|Changes in the Plan||336|
|The Cancellation of Operation R UTTER||338|
|The Revival of the Operation||340|
|The Plan of Operation J UBILEE||346|
|XI.||The Raid on Dieppe, 19 August 1942|
|German Defences in the West in 1942||349|
|The Enemy in the Dieppe Area||352|
|Our Information About the Enemy||357|
|The Collision with the German Convoys||358|
|The Attack on the Berneval Battery||360|
|The Attack on the Varengeville Battery||362|
|Disaster at Puys||363|
|The Fighting in the Pourville Area||369|
|The Frontal Attack on Dieppe||374|
|The Fortunes of the Tanks||378|
|The Landing of the Reserves||381|
|Withdrawal from the Main Beaches||384|
|XII.||Dieppe: Losses, Comments and Aftermath|
|Allied Losses at Dieppe||387|
|Gerrman Losses and German Critiques||388|
|How the Public was Told||393|
|The Shackling of Prisoners||396|
|Some Comments on the Operation||397|
|The Influence of Dieppe on German Thinking||404|
|Problems of Strategic Employment, 1942-1943||408|
|XIII.||Some Special Problems of the Canadian Army Overseas|
|A Unique Experience||413|
|The Problem of Finding Commanders and Staff Officers||413|
|The Problem of Morale||419|
|Discipline and Deportment||425|
|Leave to Canada||427|
|Repatriating the Overseas Army||431|
The War Against Japan, 1941-1945
|XIV.||The Defence of Hong Kong, December 1941|
|The Army in the Pacific War, 1941-1945||437|
|The Situation in the Far East, 1939-1941||437|
|The Request for Canadian Help at Hong Kong||439|
|The Training and Equipment of the Expeditionary Force||446|
|The Development of the Japanese War Plans||450|
|The Defences of Hong Kong||455|
|The Hong Kong Defence Plan||458|
|The Japanese Attack Begins||461|
|The Loss of the Gin Drinkers Line and the Withdrawal to the Island||465|
|The Attack on Hong Kong Island||471|
|Operations in the Eastern Sector||474|
|The End on Stanley Peninsula||478|
|The Fight for the Western Sector||480|
|The Fall of Hong Kong||485|
|The Cost of the Defence||488|
|Some Comments on the Hong Kong Campaign||489|
|XV.||The Campaign in the Aleutians|
|The War in the Pacific, January-June 1942||492|
|The Japanese Invade the Aleutians||493|
|The Counter-Offensive Against the Islands||495|
|Fiasco at Kiska||500|
|XVI.||Pacific Plans and Enterprises, 1943-1945|
|Eyes on the Kuriles||506|
|Observers in the Pacific||507|
|Canadians in Australia||510|
|Policy on Participation in the Pacific||510|
|The Canadian Army Pacific Force||512|
|Recruiting and Training the C.A.P.F.||516|
|The End in the Pacific||517|
|"A"||Strength and Casualties, Canadian Army||522|
|"B"||General Service Enlistments, 1 September 1939-31 August 1945||526|
|"C"||Canadian Army Appropriations and Expenditures, 1939-1946||527|
|"D"||Canadian Army (Active) Training Centers and Schools in Canada, 1 July 1943||528|
|"E"||Operational Units of the Active Army in the North American Zone, 24 April 1943||536|
|"F"||Persons Holding Principal Appointments, Canadian Army, 1939-1945||540|
|"G"||Note on the Equipment of the Canadian Army Overseas, 1939-1945||544|
|"H"||The Number of Men Evacuated from the Dieppe Beaches||547|
|"I"||Newfoundland Army Units Overseas||548|
|"J"||Organization Chart, National Defence Headquarters (Army), April 1945||550|
|CHARTS AND TABLES IN TEXT|
|Pre-War Appropriations for the Department of National Defence||13|
|Peace Establishment, Canadian Active Militia, by Arm of Service, 1938||19|
|Strength of the Canadian Active Service Force, 30 September 1939||55|
|Growth of the Canadian Army Overseas, 1939-1945: Arrivals in the United Kingdom from Canada and Strength in European Zone||191|
|Canadian Military Headquarters, London, February 1945: Organization Chart||199|
|Channels of Communication, Canadian Army Overseas, 1942||220|
|Dieppe Raid: Embarkation Strength, Casualties and Disembarkation Strength, Canadian Units||389|
(footnotes are included with each chapter)
|Index (Part I: General)||599|
|Index (Part II: Formations, Units and Corps)||621|
|A. Canadian Forces|
|B. British and Allied Forces|
|C. Enemy Forces|
|1.||Atlantic Coast Defences||152|
|2.||Pacific Coast Defences||158|
|3.||Canada, Showing Commands, Military Districts, etc.||178|
|4.||France and Southern England, 14 June 1940||284|
|5.||The Dieppe Operation, 19 August 1942||386|
|6.||Mainland Positions, Hong Kong||462|
|7.||Hong Kong, 18-25 December 1941||490|
(In Black and White)
|1.||The British Isles||205|
|3.||German Dispositions, North Central France, at time of Dieppe Raid||353|
|4.||Hong Kong and New Territories||466|
|5.||Hong Kong Island: Garrison's Dispositions||472|
|6.||North Pacific Ocean||494|
|7.||Pacific Ocean, 1941-1945||508|
|Canadian Tanks in Sussex, by Major W.A. Ogilvie (in colour)||Frontspiece|
|Coast Defence in Canada--British Columbia||50|
|Vimy Barracks, Barriefield, Ontario||50|
|The 1st Division Goes Overseas||51|
|The Minister of National Defense in London, April 1940||51|
|Canadians at the Palace||82|
|Basic Training in Canada||82|
|Renault Tanks Arriving from the United States, October 1940||82|
|Combined Operations Training in Canada||114|
|Flame-Throwing Demonstration, Valcartier||114|
|Coast Defence in Canada--Nova Scotia||114|
|A Gun Operations Room, Saint John Defences, New Brunswick||114|
|The Canadian Forestry Corps in Britain||210|
|The Canadian Women's Army Corps Overseas||210|
|Training for the Dieppe Raid||242|
|Training in Assault Landings||242|
|Battle School in England||242|
|Training before D Day||242|
|The King with Canadian Troops, July 1941||306|
|Canadians Preparing to Leave for Norway, April 1940||306|
|Canadian Engineers at Gibraltar||306|
|Engineers at Spitsbergen||306|
|The Queen Inspects a Guard of Honour||338|
|A Very Near Miss at C.M.H.Q., London||338|
|Cabinet Ministers at Army Headquarters||338|
|Homeward Bound After Six Years||338|
|The Sea-Wall at Puys||370|
|Pourville from the East||370|
|The Main Beaches at Dieppe||370|
|Dieppe from the Western Headland||370|
|Part of the Floating Reserve at Dieppe||402|
|Evidence of the Fierceness of German Fire at Dieppe||402|
|A Disabled Tank on the Dieppe Promenade||402|
|Canadian Troops Arriving at Hong Kong||482|
|A Former Japanese Commander Surveys the Hong Kong Battlefield||482|
|Wong Nei Chong Gap, Hong Kong Island||482|
|Landing at Kiska, August 1943||482|
|The End of the War||482|
|The "Maple Leaf" Reports the End||482|
University of Miami School of Law Institutional Repository
The UN Human Rights Commission dedicated over two years to the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which was approved by the General Assembly in 1948.
The underlying reason for the Declaration was the genocide executed by Hitler’s Nazi Germany against the Jewish people throughout Europe during the Second World War. The fundamental mistake of the Commission was that the persecution by the Nazis was not directed against individual persons, but against an entire people, whereas the Declaration deals exclusively with the rights of the individual human being, no reference whatsoever made in the document to collectivities.
Moreover, the Declaration has no force of law as it is a mere declaration with no effect over the horrors suffered by many peoples since its adoption by the UN. Therefore it is not correct to incorporate it in the realm of International Law.
Considering that the majority of the UN state members do not comply with the principles of the Declaration, and that the international organization has practically never come to the help of communities under the most cruel persecutions, victims of terrible atrocities, real genocides, the author concludes - despite a series of United Nations proclamations and in disagreement with illustrious authors of international law - that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights has been a total failure.
Wicazo Sa Review
Wicazo Sa Review is an interdisciplinary journal devoted to the mission of assisting Indigenous peoples of the Americas in taking possession of their own intellectual and creative pursuits. During the past two decades, Native American/American Indian Studies has emerged as a central arena in which Indigenous populations in the United States define the cultural, religious, legal and historical parameters of scholarship and creativity essential to the ongoing process of decolonization and to survival in the modern world. Founded in 1985, Wicazo Sa Review is a journal in support of this particular type of scholarship, providing inquiries into the Indian past and its relationship to the vital present.
This is a Call for Article submissions. The journal is seeking articles, essays, interviews, reviews, literary criticism, and scholarly research pertinent to a variety of themes of decolonization, Native American/American Indian Studies, and to the survival of Indigenous communities and peoples.
CHAPTER III: FROM SPUTNIK THROUGH THE GOLDEN AGE, 1957-1968
Sputnik once again elevated the word "competition" in the language of government officials and the American public. Sputnik threatened the American national interest even more than the Soviet Union's breaking of America's atomic monopoly in 1949 indeed it rocked the very defense of the United States because Russia's ability to place a satellite into orbit meant that it could build rockets powerful enough to propel hydrogen bomb warheads atop intercontinental ballistic missiles. Perhaps more importantly, however, Sputnik forced a national self-appraisal that questioned American education, scientific, technical and industrial strength, and even the moral fiber of the nation. What had gone wrong, questioned the pundits as well as the man in the street. They saw the nation's tradition of being "Number One" facing its toughest competition, particularly in the areas of science and technology and in science education.
With its ties to the nation's research universities, the Foundation of course became a key player in the unfolding events during this trying time. An indication is shown by the large increase in Foundation monies for programs already in place and for new programs. In fiscal year 1958, the year before Sputnik, the Foundation's appropriation had leveled at $40 million. In fiscal 1959, it more than tripled at $134 million, and by 1968 the Foundation budget stood at nearly $500 million. Highlights of this phase of the agency's history cannot be told in a vacuum, however, but must be placed within the broad context of American political happenings.
The Congress reacted to Sputnik with important pieces of legislation and an internal reorganization of its own committees. Taken together, the action announced that America would meet the Soviet competition. The National Aeronautics and Space Act, more than any other post-Sputnik law, had great impact on increasing federal funding of scientific research and development. Signed by the president in July 1958, the law created the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) and gave it responsibility for the technological advancement of the space program. NASA became a major contracting agency and boosted tremendously the extra mural research support of the federal government. NASA not only symbolized America's response to the Soviet challenge, but also dramatized the federal role in support of science and technology.
Within the Congress, members reorganized to form permanent standing committees to deal with the space issue and with science and technology in general. The reorganization provided the Congress with a focal point not present before for science and technology issues. For the first time, too, the legislative branch gained a professional staff trained in science and technology. In mid-1958, the House created the Committee on Science and Astronautics while the Senate established the Committee on Aeronautical and Space Science. Although the latter committee limited itself to NASA and space issues, the House committee's jurisdiction extended over the space program and the nation's general science policies. This included oversight of the Foundation.
Sputnik raised questions about the ability of the nation's education system to compete. Congress responded with the National Defense Education Act of 1958. It emphasized science education and became a significant part of the country's science policy. The act provided a student loan program, aid to elementary and secondary school instruction in science, mathematics and foreign languages, and graduate student fellowships. While it was directed mostly at students rather than institutions, and was administered out of the United States Office of Education, the law had an important impact on federal support of science education. Both its fellowships and its institutional benefits followed geographic distribution patterns rather than the competitive elitist format typical of Foundation programs. Of even greater significance, however, the act opened the way for future legislation that redefined many of the relationships between the federal government and the education community.
The National Defense Education Act of 1958 also directed the Foundation to establish a Science Information Service. The agency always considered the dissemination of scientific information as one of its main support functions. It had, since 1953, run the National Register of Scientific and Technical Personnel, a function assumed from the Office of Education. The new Office of Science Information in the agency provided both research and administrative support programs that covered storage and retrieval systems, mechanical translation, support for scientific publications, scientific data centers, and collection of foreign science information. The frequent notation, "Source: National Science Foundation" under graphs, charts, and tables in a wide variety of books and articles attested to the importance of the function.
As early as 1953, the Foundation had supported a few summer institutes for college teachers, but was extremely hesitant to start similar enterprises for high school teachers. It reluctantly did so in 1954 with one small institute, following in the footsteps of successful institutes sponsored by industry, universities, and private foundations. This slowly broadened in the years before Sputnik, as reports of Soviet schooling in science and mathematics raised queries in Congress about American support of education in the hard sciences. Although Foundation officials harbored reservations about its authority to support high school teacher training, and furthermore did not give it a high priority, Congressional pressure in this area taught them that Congress could and would set priorities for the agency through the budget process. By the summer of 1957, for example, there were institutes in all but five states. That fall Sputnik brought a huge boost in the Foundation budget for teacher institutes along with a chance to try other educational projects, including adoption of new curricula in physics, biology, chemistry, and mathematics.
Long before Sputnik, science policy makers were concerned with the state of research facilities and instrumentation, particularly at the nation's colleges and universities. The 1947 Steelman Report (the report of a temporary presidential board, headed by Truman assistant John R. Steelman, that addressed the status of American science) recommended that federal aid be given to universities for construction of facilities and purchase of expensive equipment. The report noted that distribution of surplus government property from World War II made a beginning in this direction, but that a more permanent solution had to be found. As a harbinger of what was to come, in 1956, Congress established a Health Research Facilities Program within the National Institutes of Health. It provided grants for up to 50
of the cost for construction, remodeling, and equipping laboratories for health related research mostly at medical schools.
Early in 1956, the Bureau of the Budget asked the Foundation to report on the current status and future needs for research facilities and to ascertain the government's role in providing assistance. The Foundation's June 1957 report, "Federal Financial Support of Physical Facilities and Major Equipment for the Conduct of Scientific Research," found three conditions that affected the state of college and university science laboratories. First, the report emphasized the current deterioration of the nation's laboratories through long use, a condition exacerbated by a moratorium on new construction during World War II and current rapidly rising construction costs. Second, the nation was about to enter a period of greatly expanded college enrollment (the post-World War II "baby boom") that would have a tremendous impact over the next few years on the science laboratory needs. Third, the accelerating pace of scientific development and innovation tended to shorten the useful life of much of the equipment and instrumentation presently in place.
Since involvement by the federal government in aid to college and university education had always been a controversial issue, the report recommended a government policy of proceeding cautiously to support only facilities with a predominantly research character and to refrain from supporting facilities with an educational character (the report left unstated how to separate the two). The Foundation underscored that the first responsibility of the colleges and universities should be to seek funds from other than federal sources, and it set conditions before federal support would be considered: that there be an urgent need, it be in the national interest, and funds from other sources not be available. Consequently, the launching of Sputnik a few months later "merely" became a force that propelled the federal government more rapidly along a course that the Foundation had already recommended.
The Foundation's institutional programs, as they came to be called, outlived the immediate crisis of the Sputnik period and expanded into the "Golden Age" of science funding in the Lyndon B. Johnson administration. While Sputnik provided the thrust for the early programs, the burgeoning baby boom college population in the middle years of the 1960s, coupled with a wider role for the federal government in education under President Johnson's Great Society program, became the continuing driving force for many of the Foundation's programs.
In 1963, Congress passed the Higher Education Facilities Act and two years later it was incorporated in the broader Higher Education Act of 1965 as part of the Great Society program. Run by the Office of Education, both acts provided grants for general facilities construction at colleges and universities. Science facilities were a substantial part of the outlay, but the important point is that with passage of the two laws, a major general college building program began, supported largely by the federal government. New and continuing Foundation institutional programs not only fit this milieu but benefited from the larger Great Society philosophy.
The Foundation had started in 1960 with its Graduate Science Facilities program. It provided matching grants to help graduate degree granting universities build or renovate their research laboratories. After 1962, most of its funds went toward new construction. The agency's Institutional Grants for Science, started in 1961, broadened support for already established or first tier institutions through a formula based on awarded grants. In 1964, the Foundation launched its Science Development Grants, better known as the Centers of Excellence program. Spurred on by pressure from the executive branch, the agency wanted to increase the number of institutions of recognized excellence in research and education in the sciences. Criticism had been heavy for some time for the agency to redistribute science funding. By deliberately excluding the top twenty elite universities and concentrating its funding on second tier institutions, and by emphasizing geographical dispersion, the Centers of Excellence program not only responded to outside criticism but reflected the philosophy of the Great Society.
Relatively large awards were made to hire new faculty, support graduate students, and construct new facilities. In 1966, the agency broadened the program to include Departmental Science Development awards and Special Science Development awards to improve those subunits at many of the nation's second tier universities.
Like the construction funded under the Higher Education Acts, most of these agency programs outlasted the Great Society but were scaled back or eliminated in the more austere budgets of the early 1970s. Later surveys showed that in spite of the large increase in construction at the nation's colleges and universities, the increase in the baby boom college population apparently outdistanced construction. While the construction improved the infrastructure, student crowding along with continued use of the new facilities and instrumentation still meant a future need at a lot of places.
Big science projects accounted for a large part of the Foundation's increasing budgets during this period. And despite concerns that such enterprises might affect the budgets for the Foundation's traditional individual researchers, those fears proved unfounded. Expanding astronomy centers, the Antarctica program, and a new atmospheric research center were well-managed enterprises that contributed much scientific knowledge through basic research and continued to receive sizable appropriations. It is true that Project Mohole, a cleverly devised attempt to gain knowledge of the earth by drilling through its mantle from an ocean platform, became a management and financial albatross before Congress terminated it in 1965-66. Mohole opened the way, however, for other deep ocean sediment investigations. The Deep Sea Drilling Project began in 1968 and over the years revealed much new evidence about the theories of continental drift, sea floor spreading, and the general usefulness of the ocean basins. The program also became a model of international cooperation as several foreign countries joined the operation.
The Foundation's role in federal science policy making changed during this era. Alan Waterman had avoided the difficulty of attempting to coordinate federal science activities during the early years. After Sputnik, President Dwight Eisenhower's appointment of the first presidential science adviser unofficially relieved the Foundation of some of its coordinating responsibility. Eisenhower also established the President's Science Advisory Committee in 1957, consisting of a group of eminent scientists who collectively advised on a part-time basis. Thus science policy had a voice for the first time at the White House level. In 1959, the president took the advisory committee's advice and created a Federal Council for Science and Technology, made up of the heads of all federal agencies responsible for scientific research and development. The nine-member council was to consider research-related problems that cut across the missions of their agencies and make recommendations to the president. Eisenhower and President John F. Kennedy appointed strong science advisers and the advisory committee rendered good service. The council, however, proved somewhat ineffective, mirroring the view Waterman had so long taken about coordination of the government's pluralistic science and technology policy.
Official notification that the Foundation would no longer be responsible for coordination of federal science policy came in 1962. In June, President Kennedy issued Reorganization Plan No. 2, an executive directive that added to the Executive Office of the President a permanent Office of Science and Technology headed by the science adviser. The plan simultaneously relieved the Foundation of its government-wide evaluation and policy making functions by transferring them to the new unit.
Throughout his two-term tenure, Waterman had vigorously adhered to a policy of support primarily for basic research in the face of growing pressure from several quarters to support applied research as well. In 1958, for example, Congress forced the agency reluctantly to supervise the government's weather modification program, a definite applied science endeavor. But for the most part, Waterman and his successor, Leland J. Haworth, who served from 1963 to 1969, believed that the first obligation of the agency should continue in the direction of basic research in the natural sciences. A physicist like Waterman, Haworth came to the Foundation from a position on the Atomic Energy Commission and prior to that he served as director of the Brookhaven National Laboratory.
In the aftermath of Sputnik, Congress during the 1960s became more involved with the nation's science policy. Out of that concern, the House Committee on Science and Astronautics established a Subcommittee on Science, Research and Development, best known as the Daddario Committee after its chairman, Democrat Emilio Q. Daddario of Connecticut. In 1965 it began an extensive review of the Foundation's charter that culminated in 1968 with amendment of the Foundation's basic law.
Joined by Senator Edward M. Kennedy of Massachusetts as Senate sponsor, the Daddario-Kennedy amendment required annual review of the Foundation's programs before both the House and Senate science subcommittees and annual authorization for its appropriation. Continuing authorization had been provided prior to the amendment. Organizationally, the deputy director and four assistant directors were to be appointed by the president. Up to then, only the director had to meet that requirement, while the assistant directors were appointed by the director. The amendment also designated the social sciences as a field eligible for Foundation support, elevating it from the vague "other sciences" category in which it had languished since 1950. But the most controversial part of the amendment authorized the Foundation to support applied as well as basic research. It hearkened back to the arguments of the postwar 1940s over the creation and purpose of the Foundation. The Daddario-Kennedy amendment considerably changed the Foundation, but it remained as the only general purpose science agency in the federal establishment that supported basic research.
Shortly before his untimely death, President Kennedy addressed the National Academy of Sciences on its hundredth anniversary. He warned the gathering that "scientists alone can establish the objectives of their research, but society, in extending support to science, must take account of its own needs." The elitism embodied in the science-government relationship dating to the post-World War II years had to give way to a broader, more democratic base. Kennedy's successor, very much a modern democrat and leveler, a graduate of non-elitist Southwest State Teachers College in Texas, probably did more to democratize that relationship through his Great Society philosophy than he is generally given credit for. In 1965 Lyndon B. Johnson told his cabinet that it was "very much the concern of the Federal Government" through funding of basic research to be sure that the nation's "future must rest upon diversity of inquiry as well as the universality of capability." So by bringing a Golden Age to science funding while insisting that those funds be distributed widely, Johnson made his impact.
Toward the end of his administration, however, the Golden Age came to an end. Increased spending on the Vietnam War coupled with outlays for other domestic programs forced reductions in civilian research budgets. The Foundation's budget increases of the previous few years leveled off. The next several years would see the Foundation still supporting basic research as its major endeavor, but also would see it embarking on new ventures in untried areas.
Steven Casey, Professor of International History, London School of Economics
Steven Casey is Professor in International History at the London School of Economics. He is the author of Cautious Crusade: Franklin Roosevelt, American Public Opinion and the War against Nazi Germany (OUP, 2001) Selling the Korean War: Propaganda, Politics and Public Opinion (OUP, 2008) When Soldiers Fall: How Americans have Confronted Combat Casualties (OUP, 2014) and The War Beat Europe: The American Media at War against Nazi Germany (OUP, 2017).
The World War II Army Enlistment Records File and Access to Archival DatabasesNine young men who have enlisted in the Regular Army wait outside the Fair Park recruiting station in Dallas, Texas, in January 1946. The AAD resource has 9.2 million records for enlistments in the Army, Enlisted Reserve Corps, and Women s Army Auxiliary Corps for the period 1938—1946. (111-SC-235858)
World War II Army Enlistment Records provide a rich source of information for genealogists and other researchers at the National Archives and Records Adminstration interested in Army enlistees in World War II. Since their release through NARA's Access to Archival Databases (AAD) resource in May 2004, they have quickly become the most popular series of electronic records accessible through that resource.
AAD, as the first installment of NARA's Electronic Records Archives (ERA) program, is leading the way to providing improved access to NARA's rich holdings of electronic records. In the first year, thousands of AAD users performed more than 700,000 queries against the enlistment records file alone. With 9.2 million records for enlistments in the Army, Enlisted Reserve Corps, and Women's Army Auxiliary Corps, this should come as little surprise.
In addition to genealogists, individuals who served in the war (and their children and grandchildren) are using the records to document military service.
The enlistment records are one of 45 series of electronic records currently available on AAD. Those series contain more than 85 million historic electronic records created by more than 20 federal agencies on a wide range of topics. The enlistment records complement other World War II–era electronic records in AAD, including the Records of Duty Locations for Naval Intelligence Personnel, Records About Japanese Americans Relocated During World War II, and Records of World War II Prisoners of War.
This article provides information about how the enlistment file came to be in AAD, along with some tips and pointers for finding records in the file.
Preparing the Records for Access in AAD
The story of the electronic World War II Army Enlistment Record file begins with the disastrous July 12, 1973, fire at NARA's National Personnel Records Center for Military Personnel Records (NPRC). The fire destroyed approximately 16–18 million Official Military Personnel Files, including the records of approximately 80 percent of U.S. Army personnel discharged between November 1, 1912, and January 1, 1960. Following the fire, NPRC staff began identifying various series of records in NARA's custody that could assist them in reconstructing the lost basic service data. With these alternative sources, they could verify military service and provide a Certification of Military Service.
Among the sources identified was a series of 16mm microfilm of computer punch cards titled "Microfilm Copy of the Army Serial Number File, 1938–1946." The Personnel Services Support Division of the Adjutant General's Office had created the microfilm in 1947, and NARA accessioned it in 1959. The original punch cards, which contained basic information about enlistees at the time they entered Army service, were destroyed after microfilming, a common practice at that time. The NPRC began using a copy of the microfilm, but it presented some challenges. First, there were 1,586 rolls of microfilm, making manual review very difficult. Second, the punch cards were microfilmed in serial number order, making a search by name impossible. Third, a variety of punch card formats were used to record the enlistment data over time, and documentation of the various recording formats was hard to identify.
A goal of the NPRC was to have as many of the reconstructed records available to its staff electronically to speed response time to its over one million annual requestors. In 1992, NPRC contacted NARA's Center for Electronic Records seeking some assistance with these challenges.
The Center's director was familiar with the Bureau of the Census's Film Optical Sensing Device for Input to Computers (FOSDIC) system and its successful use in processing the 1960 through 1990 decennial censuses. Census returns, which were essentially "bubble" forms where answers were supplied by blacking out the appropriate circle, were microfilmed, and then FOSDIC extracted the answers from the image. Since the Bureau of the Census had already modified the original FOSDIC to process a series of 300 million microfilmed punch cards containing weather data, it responded affirmatively to the challenge presented by NARA.
The Bureau of the Census completed the project during federal fiscal year 1994 on time and below budget. They successfully converted 1,374 of the 1,586 rolls, or 87 percent of the rolls of microfilm. The 212 remaining rolls containing approximately 1.5 million punch cards could not be converted because the card images were so dark that the scanner produced few, or no, usable records. In July 1994, the Bureau of the Census provided NARA with 1,374 data files (one per converted roll) on twelve 3480-class tape cartridges. NPRC received copies of the files, and they worked with Center for Electronic Records staff to identify the relevant War Department Technical Manuals containing technical documentation for the punch cards. Additional code tables and documentation continue to be identified among NARA's vast textual records holdings from World War II.
The unique characteristic of the files created by the Bureau of the Census was that FOSDIC read each punch card image up to 10 times in an attempt to create a clean record and extract all characters from the original punch card. Usually, the first read would contain the majority of data extracted from the card image. If all data could not be extracted, subsequent reads of the card image would result in additional records containing periods for characters successfully read on previous reads and alphanumeric characters for those interpreted on the current read. Varying interpretations of the same character may have occurred across the multiple reads. A blank record separates records or groups of records pertaining to an individual punch card image. Each file also contained a header record indicating the box and microfilm roll number and an end of file record. In cases where FOSDIC could not interpret any information from a punch card or series of punch cards within a file, FOSDIC inserted a record indicating "ONE OR MORE RECORDS WERE UNREADABLE AT THIS LOCATION."
These features presented challenges to the NPRC because the alphanumeric data were spread over multiple records, making it hard to use and interpret. The large number of files still presented a logistical problem for identifying and searching for individuals, especially given the computer technology of that time. During the 1990s, NPRC collected code books and began an analysis of the records while NARA's St. Louis Data Systems Center created early edit programs in an attempt to merge best guesses into one record. Given the complexities of the files, however, and the limited ability to search and locate individual records, NARA undertook no additional processing of the electronic version of the "Microfilm Copy of the Army Serial Number File, 1938–1946."
That is, until 2002. In that year, staff took another look at the languished project, primarily because of the newly developed Access to Archival Databases (AAD) resource. They determined that to get the records ready for AAD, the project should be approached in two phases. The first phase involved "merging" the 1,374 files into 12 files, corresponding to the number of computer tape cartridges provided by the Bureau of the Census. The purpose was to reduce the number of files to a manageable number and allow for an overall evaluation of the scope, content, and quality of the electronic files. This first phase was completed in May 2002 and resulted in the series "Electronic Army Serial Number Raw Files, 1994–2002," which contains 23,446,462 records.
The objective of phase two was to get a single data file with a single "best guess" record for each serial number so that it could be made available through the AAD resource. First, the 12 files were merged again into a single file. A NARA programmer then wrote a computer program to "collapse" the multiple FOSDIC reads of the punch card images into a single "best guess" record. When we collapsed the multiple records, we were able to collapse only the data appearing in the FOSDIC second read of the punch card into the first read. FOSDIC may have correctly interpreted any specific character correctly on the third or later reads of the punch card, but we were unable to apply a more complicated algorithm to the processing to provide a better "guess" than what appears in the resultant file. We therefore have retained the Electronic Army Serial Number Raw Files, should researchers wish to reprocess the raw data and create a better "best guess" file.
The program also matched the associated box and roll data to the end of each cleaned up record. The records with the value "ONE OR MORE CARDS WERE UNREADABLE AT THIS LOCATION" are retained in the file in their original positions. The resultant file, known as the "World War II Enlistment Records: Electronic Army Serial Number Merged File, 2002," has a total of 9,200,232 "best guess" records, including 160,390 records indicating the punch cards that FOSDIC was unable to interpret. It is this file that NARA makes available in the AAD resource.
Army Enlistment Records File Characteristics and AAD
It is important for users of the AAD file to understand how far removed the enlistment records are from the microfilm images of the original computer punch cards. Each successive processing stage invariably introduced the chance of errors.
As with most archival records now used for genealogical research, the records were originally created for a very different purpose than identifying specific individuals. In the case of the enlistment cards, they were designed to reflect, at the time of entrance into service, basic characteristics of each enlistee in the Army, Enlisted Reserve Corps, and the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps. The Adjutant General's Office used the punch cards to prepare tables analyzing occurrence of the various characteristics among individuals, enlisted or inducted, and to provide information for policies of demobilization. Therefore, given that the original intent of the program was to prepare statistical tables, less attention may have been paid to the proper spelling of names and accurate keypunching of personal data fields.
Most important, the many migrations of these records—from original recording on punch cards, to copying them to microfilm, to FOSDIC processing, to "merging" and "collapsing"—means that error could have been introduced at any phase. The poor quality of the original microfilm caused most of the errors. To determine the level of error in the resultant file, NARA staff compared a random sample of the World War II Enlistment Records to the microfilmed punch cards. Of the sample records examined, 35 percent of them were found to have a scanning error. However, only 4.7 percent of the records had any character error in the name column, and only 1.3 percent had character errors in the serial number column. While a large number of records had other errors, they were minor. For example, the term of enlistment column frequently has the value of "0" in the electronic file where no punch appears on the original card. Other errors can be intuitively corrected by the users, such as understanding "POT" or "PVO" to mean PVT in the grade column. To help minimize these problems, NARA staff outlined some of the common errors in a set of Frequently Asked Questions for AAD.
The bulk of the records are for the period 1941 through 1946. About 4 percent of the records contain data originally recorded on Enlisted Reserve Corps Statistical cards, and the bulk of those records are from 1942 and 1943.
Number of Enlistment Records by Year
|Year||Number of Enlistment Cards|
|Other Years or Miscoded||41,756|
In general, the records contain the serial number, name, state and county of residence, place of enlistment, date of enlistment, grade, Army branch, term of enlistment, longevity, nativity (place of birth), year of birth, race, education, civilian occupation, marital status, height and weight (before 1943), military occupational specialty (1945 and later), and component of the Army. As noted earlier, at the end of each "best guess" record appear the box and roll number of the microfilmed punch cards.
To facilitate search and retrieval in the AAD resource, the file is split into two tables: a large file containing general Army enlistment records, including enlistees in the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps, and a second with records of enlistees in the reserve corps. Over time the enlistment card format changed, and the height and weight or military occupational specialty categories were recorded in the same columns on the original punch cards. Because there is no easy way to distinguish original data recorded on the two
forms, NARA chose to drop that data from the AAD version of the file.
Finding Records in AAD
Users can search and retrieve the enlistment records through the Access to Archival Database (AAD) resource. Before using AAD, we recommend that the user read the "Getting Started Guide" on the AAD home page. The Frequently Asked Questions developed especially for the World War II Army Enlistment Records File also provide a number of helpful tips and hints about technical data characteristics of various fields.Recruits receive applications from Staff Sgt. N. R. Kelly at the New York Recruiting Office at 39 Whitehall street in June 1940. (111-SC-115556)
From the AAD home page, the user can execute a search across all series in AAD by entering a name or other search term in the "Search AAD" box. Results will be returned from the Army serial number file and from all other series in AAD where appropriate. Alternatively, the user may go straight to the enlistment records by using the link under "Most Popular" or by choosing the categories for Military Personnel, World War II, or 1940–1955. The user next clicks on "search" to access either the Enlistment Records or the Reserve Corps Records. This will bring up a page where the user may search these records.
Using an individual's Army serial number may be the most efficient way to find a record. Type the serial number in the search box without hyphens, submit the search, and a summary of the record with that serial number will appear. Clicking the icon in the column titled "View Record" will display the full record, which will contain meanings for the coded data. To print a copy of any record, click "Print" at the top of the screen, and this will display the full record again in a format suitable for printing.
A common way to search for individual records is by name. Users should note that searches are not case sensitive even though entries are uppercase in the file. In making the records available in AAD, staff inserted "#" for blanks that would normally appear between the last and first names and in other instances. The name column includes all possible parts of a name: surname, space, first name, space, middle initial, and SR, JR, 3rd, etc. Names with "Mac," "Mc," "de," "Van," etc., have a space between the prefix and the rest of the surname when both the prefix and following letter are capitalized. For example: McAffee was recorded as MC AFFEE, but Mcaffee was recorded as MCAFFEE. Names with apostrophes, like O'Brien, usually do not have a space between the prefix and the rest of the name, i.e., OBRIEN. Van Heusen is recorded as VAN HEUSEN. When the full name was longer than the number of characters available in the name column, as much of the surname as possible is in the column, and initials were used for the first name. AAD also allows for using wildcards in searches so that users can identify records even when unsure of name spelling or format.
For example, to find my grandfather's record, I entered "James N Tronolone" into the name search box. Alternatively, I could have simply entered "Tronolone" and selected his record from among the 23 records for persons with that last name in the enlistment table. If the user is searching for a common name, the name can be combined with other fields, such as state or state and county, to narrow the search for an individual record. Users will often use the information retrieved in the AAD search, such as the serial number when not otherwise known, to request further information about their relative from the National Personnel Records Center.
Because this file was originally designed for computer processing, data fields such as the state and county of residence, place of enlistment, civilian occupation, and marital status were represented by numeric codes rather than being spelled out. These codes allowed for the uniform recording of repetitive data in a keypunch operation and for the efficient sorting and tabulation of the computer punch cards. AAD reinterprets the coded fields "in English" so that users can understand the information. The full record also links to notes on specific fields that more fully explain the meanings of codes.
Another common search strategy is to find records of individuals who enlisted at a specific place or came from a specific county. This requires searching AAD using one or more coded fields. The fields Residence: State Residence: County and Place of Enlistment are options on the main database search screen. To search these fields, click on the "Select from Code List" link to bring up a window with a list of all the coded values. Select a value, and then click the "Submit" button. This will paste the code into the search box, and then the user can execute the search.
For example, to get a list of enlistees from Centre County, Pennsylvania, first select the primary code for Pennsylvania (code 32). Then select the appropriate county code (Centre County's code is 027). Once these codes are pasted into the search boxes and the search is submitted, AAD will return 3,170 records. All search results will be returned, but because this number exceeds the download limitation of 1,000 records, no records can be downloaded for additional processing. To get a complete list, a user could execute multiple queries, such as by running a series of searches by year of enlistment. Multiple records retrieved in this way can be downloaded to the user's computer in the form of an ASCII spreadsheet file with comma-separated values, with or without the code meanings. The file can then be directly imported into spreadsheet software, such as Microsoft Excel, for further manipulation.
The story of the World War II Army Enlistment Records File is unique, but it illustrates the lengths to which NARA will go to provide researchers with ready access to the documentary heritage of the United States Government.
As NARA develops its Electronic Records Archives, AAD will continue to be an integral part of that program and will grow to provide access to the expanding number and variety of electronic records being deposited in the National Archives.
Theodore J. Hull is an archivist in the Electronic and Special Media Records Services Division of the National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, Maryland. His primary responsibility is the archival processing of NARA's electronic records holdings of the Bureau of the Census.
Review: Volume 43 - Second World War - History
In June 2008 the Militärgeschichtliches Forschungsamt completed its ten-volume history, Germany and the Second World War, which began appearing in 1979. Led by Karl-Heinz Frieser (author of The Blitzkrieg Legend: The 1940 Campaign in the West ), who describes most military operations on the eastern front, the team also included Bernd Wegner, who discusses the general strategic context and Scandinavia Krisztian Ungvary, who treats Hungary Klaus Schmider, who describes the course of the war in Yugoslavia Klaus Schönherr, who explains developments in Romania and the southern Balkans and Gerhard Schreiber, who discusses the end in North Africa and the campaigns in Sicily and Italy.
The volume of the series under review here is a superb work of scholarship. It consists of over twelve hundred pages of text, with more than five thousand footnotes, ten pages of archival sources, and sixty pages of bibliography. There are nearly a hundred informative maps, most in color, and dozens of charts and tables providing statistical information, orders of battle, and production figures. The authors have mined existing scholarship and effectively utilized archives in Germany, Russia, Great Britain, the United States, Hungary, Romania, Italy, and Finland. In addition, the authors located German primary sources previously thought to have been lost, but which actually survived in Russian archives (for example, the war diary of the Second Army for several months of 1944). The notes contain numerous references to recent Russian publications that give the most accurate information currently available on Soviet troop strengths and casualties. The German edition costs less than fifty euros, a considerable bargain compared to Oxford University Press's English translations, the individual volumes of which sell for up to five hundred dollars.
This volume begins after the Battle of Stalingrad in spring 1943 and concludes at the end of 1944, just prior to the Soviet Vistula-Oder operation in January 1945. Although this work deals primarily with the eastern front, approximately two hundred pages address Scandinavia, Greece, Yugoslavia, North Africa, and Italy. The treatment, however, is not even. There are eighty pages on Yugoslavia, but only sixty devoted to the German surrender in Tunisia and the campaigns in Sicily and Italy until May 1945. The volume focuses overwhelmingly on operational history, with little attention to occupation policy and war crimes.
One of the greatest strengths of this work is the evaluation of the impact of events on other fronts upon the war in the East. For example, the authors show how the campaign in North Africa, fears of an Allied landing on the European continent, and the actual invasions of Sicily, Italy, and Normandy affected the number of troops and amount of equipment available to Army High Command to conduct the war in the Soviet Union. Wegner maintains that even prior to the offensive at Kursk, Adolf Hitler regarded the defense of the continent in the West as of greater strategic importance than the eastern front.
The authors unequivocally state that, by 1943, Germany had lost the war. It simply could not contend with the Allies' superior manpower and productive capacity. Furthermore, Hitler's refusal to raise an army of Russian anti-communists and half-hearted efforts at total mobilization of human resources both on the home front and in occupied territories further tilted the balance in the Allies' favor. Frieser weighs in on the debate on whether German soldiers fought so long and hard because of ideological motivation or their efficient military establishment. He declares that without a doubt, it was the latter German soldiers fought not for Lebensraum but for naked survival.
The contributions and sacrifices of Germany's allies receive greater attention in this volume than in most accounts. Germany's allies had little in common, most efforts to coordinate action failed, and Hitler's European allies had insufficient resources to contribute significantly to a global war. From November 1942 to February 1943, Hitler's Italian, Hungarian, and Romanian allies suffered over 300,000 casualties. Despite Hitler's stunning foreign policy successes before the war, once the conflict began he practically abandoned diplomacy altogether, probably because he intended to crush his enemies and dominate his allies. Attempts to blame his allies for the disasters at Stalingrad and Tunis did little to improve relations, as did German actions once their allies defected. Relations with Finland were strained for decades because the Germans destroyed thousands of homes during scorched-earth retreats in the North.
In his discussion of the Battle of Kursk, Frieser demolishes several enduring myths. He begins by emphasizing that the Kursk offensive was a limited attack with no real strategic goal. Hitler wanted to seize the initiative and intended merely to remove a bulge in the front, thereby freeing German forces thus, its main aim was defensive. Another persistent myth is the supposedly decisive tank battle at Prochorovka on July 12, 1943, where, according to Soviet historians, the Germans lost some 400 tanks in one of the war's most important clashes. In fact, the battle as reported never occurred. Only 186 German tanks participated in this engagement, in which the Germans lost 3 tanks compared with Russian losses of 235, making this incident hardly a decisive encounter. Despite Soviet claims that Germany lost over 3,500 tanks at Kursk, including 700 Tigers, Frieser maintains that actual German losses amounted to only 252 tanks and assault guns, of which only 10 were Tigers--compared to Soviet losses of over 1,600 tanks and assault guns. Furthermore, Hitler did not break off the attack at Kursk because of heavy losses, but in response to the Allied invasion of Sicily. Frieser concludes that Kursk's importance has been vastly exaggerated, but argues that it was important psychologically, because for the first time the Soviets halted a German summer offensive, and the Germans could not blame "General Winter" as they had done at Moscow and Stalingrad.
In the course of their account, the authors rescue several noteworthy engagements from obscurity, particularly a counterattack by Walther Model's Army Group Center at the beginning of August 1944, which halted the Soviet advance on Warsaw. Model's attack prevented the Soviets from taking Warsaw, and possibly from cutting off the withdrawal of Army Group Center by a thrust to the Baltic. Frieser likens Model's assault to Erich von Manstein's famous backhand blow in the spring of 1943 and even compares it to the 1914 Battle of Tannenberg. Frieser also devotes considerable attention to the destruction of Army Group Center in the summer of 1944, blaming Army Group commander Ernst Busch more than German intelligence for the failure to identify this sector as the Soviet Schwerpunkt. In the summer of 1944 the Germans expected an offensive, but only one they did not anticipate that the Soviets would launch major offensives from Finland to the Balkans. Bagration represented the greatest military defeat to this point in German history, with nearly 300,000 killed and missing, and over 100,000 wounded (compared to 60,000 killed and 110,000 prisoners in the Stalingrad pocket).
In considering why Hitler refused to surrender or negotiate a peace, Frieser maintains that Hitler continued the war for a variety of reasons: he thought that if he repulsed the Anglo-American invasion of the continent he could return his attention to the East with thirty to thirty-five divisions freed from the West he hoped that new technologically superior weapons would turn the tide (jet aircraft, new models of U-boats, and unmanned rockets) and he was convinced that the enemy coalition would fall apart.
At this point Frieser introduces one of his most original arguments, involving his interpretation of Hitler's designation of a city or area as a fester Platz, or fortified place. This concept, first introduced in the spring of 1944, envisioned the garrison of the fortified place allowing itself to be surrounded and defending its post until it was relieved or annihilated, thereby denying vital areas to the Soviets and tying down Russian troops to besiege German forces there. Although most historians consider this idea to be yet another example of Hitler's foolhardy insistence on holding every foot of territory, Frieser argues that, in fact, fortified places also had an offensive purpose: to serve as bridgeheads for future offensives after the invasion in the West had been repulsed.
Frieser asserts that several of Hitler's most puzzling decisions resulted from his unwavering determination to regain the initiative. Time after time he ordered the defense of positions in actions that, in retrospect, appear as senseless clinging to lost outposts. Some of the most obvious examples are the hundreds of thousands of troops left to hold the Kuban, Crimea, and Courland. In each of these cases there were other motives as well (Admiral Karl Dönitz urged Hitler to defend the Crimea and Courland), but the hope of launching future offensives from these areas once the Third Reich had regained the initiative played an important role. Hitler realized that to win the war, he had to return to the attack. Why abandon areas German troops had fought so hard for if they only had to take them again? Frieser repeatedly compares Hitler to a person playing the game vabanque, and staking everything on a single card.
Although most analysis in the volume concerns operations of divisional and larger units, the authors include vignettes of small-unit actions to illustrate specific points. For example, to demonstrate the Tiger's superiority, the authors offer the example, near Kursk, of a single Tiger rushed from a repair shop to engage Soviet T-34s that had appeared behind the lines unexpectedly. The Tiger destroyed twenty-two Soviet tanks singlehandedly.
Ungvary explains Hitler's intense interest in Hungary in 1944-45, primarily for its oil, which he required for future offensive operations. Ungvary points out that in February 1945 almost half of the German Panzer divisions on the eastern front (and a disproportionate number of Tiger and King Tiger tanks) were in Hungary. Furthermore, although many historians refer to the Ardennes Offensive (the Battle of the Bulge) as Germany's last major attack, Hitler launched five offensives in Hungary in spring 1945, and some of these involved more armored vehicles than the Ardennes. Ungvary describes the German defense of Budapest as one of the bloodiest sieges in history, in which total casualties amounted to well over 400,000. This 52-day siege frustrated the Soviet intention to take Vienna at the end of December 1944 and to reach southern Germany in March 1945. Ungvary also claims that Hungary's contribution to the Axis was greater than that of Italy, and he points out that with approximately 350,000 military and 590,000 civilian dead (of the civilians, at least 450,000 were Jews), Hungary suffered the war's fifth highest losses as a percentage of its population, behind only the Soviet Union, Poland, Germany, and Yugoslavia.
Wegner sees an increasing radicalization of Hitler's conduct of the war in the summer of 1944, exemplified by the crushing of the Polish Home Army's uprising in Warsaw and the Slovak uprising a few weeks later. His insistence on holding national capitals and cultural centers as fortresses or fortified sites virtually ensured that they would be reduced to rubble. Hitler continued the war even though German losses in the last year-and-a-half of the war were more than double those of the first four years. Wegner asserts that Hitler was not delusional, but possessed a much more modern, complex picture of war than most of his generals, and realized that the war was lost as early as 1942. Wegner provocatively asserts that the continuation of the war after this point served the purpose not of striving for final victory, but rather fed Hitler's hopes of choreographing his military defeat into a moral victory. This attitude arose from Hitler's reaction to defeat in 1918, and from the inexplicable connection he made at the latest in 1941 between military and genocidal war. Even though he might not win, continuing the war meant that he perhaps could succeed in exterminating the Jews, thereby fulfilling his historical mission. The genocide precluded any diplomatic ending of the war. Hitler's refusal to end the war and his desire for a heroic end prolonged the war and caused millions of unnecessary deaths.
With this volume the authors have provided an important corrective. Although during the Cold War, Western historians grossly underestimated the Soviet Union's vital role in the defeat of Nazi Germany, for the past twenty years scholars have emphasized the Soviet contribution, and perhaps have gone too far. This work shifts the balance back somewhat by pointing out that the air and sea wars constituted a second front long before June 1944, and by demonstrating that concern for the invasion of the continent in the West, as well as the landings in Sicily and Italy, did draw off significant forces from the Soviet Union. Furthermore, Allied deliveries of tanks, trucks, and jeeps significantly contributed to making the Red Army more mobile than the Wehrmacht.
Overall, this is an impressive achievement. The authors have provided a meticulously researched and exhaustively documented in-depth examination of a critical period in the war. This important volume belongs in every university library and on the bookshelves of all World War II historians.
However, these agencies were often quite successful in achieving their respective, narrower aims. The Department of the Treasury, for instance, was remarkably successful at generating money to pay for the war, including the first general income tax in American history and the famous “war bonds” sold to the public. Beginning in 1940, the government extended the income tax to virtually all Americans and began collecting the tax via the now-familiar method of continuous withholdings from paychecks (rather than lump-sum payments after the fact). The number of Americans required to pay federal taxes rose from 4 million in 1939 to 43 million in 1945. With such a large pool of taxpayers, the American government took in $45 billion in 1945, an enormous increase over the $8.7 billion collected in 1941 but still far short of the $83 billion spent on the war in 1945. Over that same period, federal tax revenue grew from about 8 percent of GDP to more than 20 percent. Americans who earned as little as $500 per year paid income tax at a 23 percent rate, while those who earned more than $1 million per year paid a 94 percent rate. The average income tax rate peaked in 1944 at 20.9 percent (“Fact Sheet: Taxes”).
100 Best First Lines from Novels
4. Many years later, as he faced the firing squad, Colonel Aureliano Buendía was to remember that distant afternoon when his father took him to discover ice. &mdashGabriel García Márquez, One Hundred Years of Solitude (1967 trans. Gregory Rabassa)
5. Lolita, light of my life, fire of my loins. &mdashVladimir Nabokov, Lolita (1955)
6. Happy families are all alike every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way. &mdashLeo Tolstoy, Anna Karenina (1877 trans. Constance Garnett)
7. riverrun, past Eve and Adam's, from swerve of shore to bend of bay, brings us by a commodius vicus of recirculation back to Howth Castle and Environs. &mdashJames Joyce, Finnegans Wake (1939)
8. It was a bright cold day in April, and the clocks were striking thirteen. &mdashGeorge Orwell, 1984 (1949)
9. It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair. &mdashCharles Dickens, A Tale of Two Cities (1859)
10. I am an invisible man. &mdashRalph Ellison, Invisible Man (1952)
11. The Miss Lonelyhearts of the New York Post-Dispatch (Are you in trouble?&mdashDo-you-need-advice?&mdashWrite-to-Miss-Lonelyhearts-and-she-will-help-you) sat at his desk and stared at a piece of white cardboard. &mdashNathanael West, Miss Lonelyhearts (1933)
12. You don't know about me without you have read a book by the name of The Adventures of Tom Sawyer but that ain't no matter. &mdashMark Twain, Adventures of Huckleberry Finn (1885)
13. Someone must have slandered Josef K., for one morning, without having done anything truly wrong, he was arrested. &mdashFranz Kafka, The Trial (1925 trans. Breon Mitchell)
14. You are about to begin reading Italo Calvino's new novel, If on a winter's night a traveler. &mdashItalo Calvino, If on a winter's night a traveler (1979 trans. William Weaver)
15. The sun shone, having no alternative, on the nothing new. &mdashSamuel Beckett, Murphy (1938)
16. If you really want to hear about it, the first thing you'll probably want to know is where I was born, and what my lousy childhood was like, and how my parents were occupied and all before they had me, and all that David Copperfield kind of crap, but I don't feel like going into it, if you want to know the truth. &mdashJ. D. Salinger, The Catcher in the Rye (1951)
17. Once upon a time and a very good time it was there was a moocow coming down along the road and this moocow that was coming down along the road met a nicens little boy named baby tuckoo. &mdashJames Joyce, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man (1916)
18. This is the saddest story I have ever heard. &mdashFord Madox Ford, The Good Soldier (1915)
19. I wish either my father or my mother, or indeed both of them, as they were in duty both equally bound to it, had minded what they were about when they begot me had they duly considered how much depended upon what they were then doing&mdashthat not only the production of a rational Being was concerned in it, but that possibly the happy formation and temperature of his body, perhaps his genius and the very cast of his mind&mdashand, for aught they knew to the contrary, even the fortunes of his whole house might take their turn from the humours and dispositions which were then uppermost:&mdashHad they duly weighed and considered all this, and proceeded accordingly,&mdashI am verily persuaded I should have made a quite different figure in the world, from that, in which the reader is likely to see me. &mdashLaurence Sterne, Tristram Shandy (1759&ndash1767)
20. Whether I shall turn out to be the hero of my own life, or whether that station will be held by anybody else, these pages must show. &mdashCharles Dickens, David Copperfield (1850)
21. Stately, plump Buck Mulligan came from the stairhead, bearing a bowl of lather on which a mirror and a razor lay crossed. &mdashJames Joyce, Ulysses (1922)
22. It was a dark and stormy night the rain fell in torrents, except at occasional intervals, when it was checked by a violent gust of wind which swept up the streets (for it is in London that our scene lies), rattling along the house-tops, and fiercely agitating the scanty flame of the lamps that struggled against the darkness. &mdashEdward George Bulwer-Lytton, Paul Clifford (1830)
23. One summer afternoon Mrs. Oedipa Maas came home from a Tupperware party whose hostess had put perhaps too much kirsch in the fondue to find that she, Oedipa, had been named executor, or she supposed executrix, of the estate of one Pierce Inverarity, a California real estate mogul who had once lost two million dollars in his spare time but still had assets numerous and tangled enough to make the job of sorting it all out more than honorary. &mdashThomas Pynchon, The Crying of Lot 49 (1966)
24. It was a wrong number that started it, the telephone ringing three times in the dead of night, and the voice on the other end asking for someone he was not. &mdashPaul Auster, City of Glass (1985)
25. Through the fence, between the curling flower spaces, I could see them hitting. &mdashWilliam Faulkner, The Sound and the Fury (1929)
26. 124 was spiteful. &mdashToni Morrison, Beloved (1987)
27. Somewhere in la Mancha, in a place whose name I do not care to remember, a gentleman lived not long ago, one of those who has a lance and ancient shield on a shelf and keeps a skinny nag and a greyhound for racing. &mdashMiguel de Cervantes, Don Quixote (1605 trans. Edith Grossman)
28. Mother died today. &mdashAlbert Camus, The Stranger (1942 trans. Stuart Gilbert)
29. Every summer Lin Kong returned to Goose Village to divorce his wife, Shuyu. &mdashHa Jin, Waiting (1999)
30. The sky above the port was the color of television, tuned to a dead channel. &mdashWilliam Gibson, Neuromancer (1984)
31. I am a sick man . . . I am a spiteful man. &mdashFyodor Dostoyevsky, Notes from Underground (1864 trans. Michael R. Katz)
32. Where now? Who now? When now? &mdashSamuel Beckett, The Unnamable (1953 trans. Patrick Bowles)
33. Once an angry man dragged his father along the ground through his own orchard. "Stop!" cried the groaning old man at last, "Stop! I did not drag my father beyond this tree." &mdashGertrude Stein, The Making of Americans (1925)
34. In a sense, I am Jacob Horner. &mdashJohn Barth, The End of the Road (1958)
35. It was like so, but wasn't. &mdashRichard Powers, Galatea 2.2 (1995)
36. &mdashMoney . . . in a voice that rustled. &mdashWilliam Gaddis, J R (1975)
37. Mrs. Dalloway said she would buy the flowers herself. &mdashVirginia Woolf, Mrs. Dalloway (1925)
38. All this happened, more or less. &mdashKurt Vonnegut, Slaughterhouse-Five (1969)
39. They shoot the white girl first. &mdashToni Morrison, Paradise (1998)
40. For a long time, I went to bed early. &mdashMarcel Proust, Swann's Way (1913 trans. Lydia Davis)
41. The moment one learns English, complications set in. &mdashFelipe Alfau, Chromos (1990)
42. Dr. Weiss, at forty, knew that her life had been ruined by literature. &mdashAnita Brookner, The Debut (1981)
43. I was the shadow of the waxwing slain / By the false azure in the windowpane &mdashVladimir Nabokov, Pale Fire (1962)
44. Ships at a distance have every man's wish on board. &mdashZora Neale Hurston, Their Eyes Were Watching God (1937)
45. I had the story, bit by bit, from various people, and, as generally happens in such cases, each time it was a different story. &mdashEdith Wharton, Ethan Frome (1911)
46. Ages ago, Alex, Allen and Alva arrived at Antibes, and Alva allowing all, allowing anyone, against Alex's admonition, against Allen's angry assertion: another African amusement . . . anyhow, as all argued, an awesome African army assembled and arduously advanced against an African anthill, assiduously annihilating ant after ant, and afterward, Alex astonishingly accuses Albert as also accepting Africa's antipodal ant annexation. &mdashWalter Abish, Alphabetical Africa (1974)
47. There was a boy called Eustace Clarence Scrubb, and he almost deserved it. &mdashC. S. Lewis, The Voyage of the Dawn Treader (1952)
48. He was an old man who fished alone in a skiff in the Gulf Stream and he had gone eighty-four days now without taking a fish. &mdashErnest Hemingway, The Old Man and the Sea (1952)
49. It was the day my grandmother exploded. &mdashIain M. Banks, The Crow Road (1992)
50. I was born twice: first, as a baby girl, on a remarkably smogless Detroit day in January of 1960 and then again, as a teenage boy, in an emergency room near Petoskey, Michigan, in August of 1974. &mdashJeffrey Eugenides, Middlesex (2002)
51. Elmer Gantry was drunk. &mdashSinclair Lewis, Elmer Gantry (1927)
52. We started dying before the snow, and like the snow, we continued to fall. &mdashLouise Erdrich, Tracks (1988)
53. It was a pleasure to burn. &mdashRay Bradbury, Fahrenheit 451 (1953)
54. A story has no beginning or end arbitrarily one chooses that moment of experience from which to look back or from which to look ahead. &mdashGraham Greene, The End of the Affair (1951)
55. Having placed in my mouth sufficient bread for three minutes' chewing, I withdrew my powers of sensual perception and retired into the privacy of my mind, my eyes and face assuming a vacant and preoccupied expression. &mdashFlann O'Brien, At Swim-Two-Birds (1939)
56. I was born in the Year 1632, in the City of York, of a good Family, tho' not of that Country, my Father being a Foreigner of Bremen, who settled first at Hull He got a good Estate by Merchandise, and leaving off his Trade, lived afterward at York, from whence he had married my Mother, whose Relations were named Robinson, a very good Family in that Country, and from whom I was called Robinson Kreutznaer but by the usual Corruption of Words in England, we are now called, nay we call our selves, and write our Name Crusoe, and so my Companions always call'd me. &mdashDaniel Defoe, Robinson Crusoe (1719)
57. In the beginning, sometimes I left messages in the street. &mdashDavid Markson, Wittgenstein's Mistress (1988)
58. Miss Brooke had that kind of beauty which seems to be thrown into relief by poor dress.
&mdashGeorge Eliot, Middlemarch (1872)
59. It was love at first sight. &mdashJoseph Heller, Catch-22 (1961)
60. What if this young woman, who writes such bad poems, in competition with her husband, whose poems are equally bad, should stretch her remarkably long and well-made legs out before you, so that her skirt slips up to the tops of her stockings? &mdashGilbert Sorrentino, Imaginative Qualities of Actual Things (1971)
61. I have never begun a novel with more misgiving. &mdashW. Somerset Maugham, The Razor's Edge (1944)
62. Once upon a time, there was a woman who discovered she had turned into the wrong person. &mdashAnne Tyler, Back When We Were Grownups (2001)
63. The human race, to which so many of my readers belong, has been playing at children's games from the beginning, and will probably do it till the end, which is a nuisance for the few people who grow up. &mdashG. K. Chesterton, The Napoleon of Notting Hill (1904)
64. In my younger and more vulnerable years my father gave me some advice that I've been turning over in my mind ever since. &mdashF. Scott Fitzgerald, The Great Gatsby (1925)
65. You better not never tell nobody but God. &mdashAlice Walker, The Color Purple (1982)
66. "To be born again," sang Gibreel Farishta tumbling from the heavens, "first you have to die." &mdashSalman Rushdie, The Satanic Verses (1988)
67. It was a queer, sultry summer, the summer they electrocuted the Rosenbergs, and I didn't know what I was doing in New York. &mdashSylvia Plath, The Bell Jar (1963)
68. Most really pretty girls have pretty ugly feet, and so does Mindy Metalman, Lenore notices, all of a sudden. &mdashDavid Foster Wallace, The Broom of the System (1987)
69. If I am out of my mind, it's all right with me, thought Moses Herzog. &mdashSaul Bellow, Herzog (1964)
70. Francis Marion Tarwater's uncle had been dead for only half a day when the boy got too drunk to finish digging his grave and a Negro named Buford Munson, who had come to get a jug filled, had to finish it and drag the body from the breakfast table where it was still sitting and bury it in a decent and Christian way, with the sign of its Saviour at the head of the grave and enough dirt on top to keep the dogs from digging it up. &mdashFlannery O'Connor, The Violent Bear it Away (1960)
71. Granted: I am an inmate of a mental hospital my keeper is watching me, he never lets me out of his sight there's a peephole in the door, and my keeper's eye is the shade of brown that can never see through a blue-eyed type like me. &mdashG&Yumlnter Grass, The Tin Drum (1959 trans. Ralph Manheim)
72. When Dick Gibson was a little boy he was not Dick Gibson. &mdashStanley Elkin, The Dick Gibson Show (1971)
73. Hiram Clegg, together with his wife Emma and four friends of the faith from Randolph Junction, were summoned by the Spirit and Mrs. Clara Collins, widow of the beloved Nazarene preacher Ely Collins, to West Condon on the weekend of the eighteenth and nineteenth of April, there to await the End of the World. &mdashRobert Coover, The Origin of the Brunists (1966)
74. She waited, Kate Croy, for her father to come in, but he kept her unconscionably, and there were moments at which she showed herself, in the glass over the mantel, a face positively pale with the irritation that had brought her to the point of going away without sight of him. &mdashHenry James, The Wings of the Dove (1902)
75. In the late summer of that year we lived in a house in a village that looked across the river and the plain to the mountains. &mdashErnest Hemingway, A Farewell to Arms (1929)
76. "Take my camel, dear," said my Aunt Dot, as she climbed down from this animal on her return from High Mass. &mdashRose Macaulay, The Towers of Trebizond (1956)
77. He was an inch, perhaps two, under six feet, powerfully built, and he advanced straight at you with a slight stoop of the shoulders, head forward, and a fixed from-under stare which made you think of a charging bull. &mdashJoseph Conrad, Lord Jim (1900)
78. The past is a foreign country they do things differently there. &mdashL. P. Hartley, The Go-Between (1953)
79. On my naming day when I come 12 I gone front spear and kilt a wyld boar he parbly ben the las wyld pig on the Bundel Downs any how there hadnt ben none for a long time befor him nor I aint looking to see none agen. &mdashRussell Hoban, Riddley Walker (1980)
80. Justice?&mdashYou get justice in the next world, in this world you have the law. &mdashWilliam Gaddis, A Frolic of His Own (1994)
81. Vaughan died yesterday in his last car-crash. &mdashJ. G. Ballard, Crash (1973)
82. I write this sitting in the kitchen sink. &mdashDodie Smith, I Capture the Castle (1948)
83. "When your mama was the geek, my dreamlets," Papa would say, "she made the nipping off of noggins such a crystal mystery that the hens themselves yearned toward her, waltzing around her, hypnotized with longing." &mdashKatherine Dunn, Geek Love (1983)
84. In the last years of the Seventeenth Century there was to be found among the fops and fools of the London coffee-houses one rangy, gangling flitch called Ebenezer Cooke, more ambitious than talented, and yet more talented than prudent, who, like his friends-in-folly, all of whom were supposed to be educating at Oxford or Cambridge, had found the sound of Mother English more fun to game with than her sense to labor over, and so rather than applying himself to the pains of scholarship, had learned the knack of versifying, and ground out quires of couplets after the fashion of the day, afroth with Joves and Jupiters, aclang with jarring rhymes, and string-taut with similes stretched to the snapping-point. &mdashJohn Barth, The Sot-Weed Factor (1960)
85. When I finally caught up with Abraham Trahearne, he was drinking beer with an alcoholic bulldog named Fireball Roberts in a ramshackle joint just outside of Sonoma, California, drinking the heart right out of a fine spring afternoon. &mdashJames Crumley, The Last Good Kiss (1978)
86. It was just noon that Sunday morning when the sheriff reached the jail with Lucas Beauchamp though the whole town (the whole county too for that matter) had known since the night before that Lucas had killed a white man. &mdashWilliam Faulkner, Intruder in the Dust (1948)
87. I, Tiberius Claudius Drusus Nero Germanicus This-that-and-the-other (for I shall not trouble you yet with all my titles) who was once, and not so long ago either, known to my friends and relatives and associates as "Claudius the Idiot," or "That Claudius," or "Claudius the Stammerer," or "Clau-Clau-Claudius" or at best as "Poor Uncle Claudius," am now about to write this strange history of my life starting from my earliest childhood and continuing year by year until I reach the fateful point of change where, some eight years ago, at the age of fifty-one, I suddenly found myself caught in what I may call the "golden predicament" from which I have never since become disentangled. &mdashRobert Graves, I, Claudius (1934)
88. Of all the things that drive men to sea, the most common disaster, I've come to learn, is women. &mdashCharles Johnson, Middle Passage (1990)
89. I am an American, Chicago born&mdashChicago, that somber city&mdashand go at things as I have taught myself, free-style, and will make the record in my own way: first to knock, first admitted sometimes an innocent knock, sometimes a not so innocent. &mdashSaul Bellow, The Adventures of Augie March (1953)
90. The towers of Zenith aspired above the morning mist austere towers of steel and cement and limestone, sturdy as cliffs and delicate as silver rods. &mdashSinclair Lewis, Babbitt (1922)
91. I will tell you in a few words who I am: lover of the hummingbird that darts to the flower beyond the rotted sill where my feet are propped lover of bright needlepoint and the bright stitching fingers of humorless old ladies bent to their sweet and infamous designs lover of parasols made from the same puffy stuff as a young girl's underdrawers still lover of that small naval boat which somehow survived the distressing years of my life between her decks or in her pilothouse and also lover of poor dear black Sonny, my mess boy, fellow victim and confidant, and of my wife and child. But most of all, lover of my harmless and sanguine self. &mdashJohn Hawkes, Second Skin (1964)
92. He was born with a gift of laughter and a sense that the world was mad. &mdashRaphael Sabatini, Scaramouche (1921)
93. Psychics can see the color of time it's blue. &mdashRonald Sukenick, Blown Away (1986)
94. In the town, there were two mutes and they were always together. &mdashCarson McCullers, The Heart is a Lonely Hunter (1940)
95. Once upon a time two or three weeks ago, a rather stubborn and determined middle-aged man decided to record for posterity, exactly as it happened, word by word and step by step, the story of another man for indeed what is great in man is that he is a bridge and not a goal, a somewhat paranoiac fellow unmarried, unattached, and quite irresponsible, who had decided to lock himself in a room a furnished room with a private bath, cooking facilities, a bed, a table, and at least one chair, in New York City, for a year 365 days to be precise, to write the story of another person&mdasha shy young man about of 19 years old&mdashwho, after the war the Second World War, had come to America the land of opportunities from France under the sponsorship of his uncle&mdasha journalist, fluent in five languages&mdashwho himself had come to America from Europe Poland it seems, though this was not clearly established sometime during the war after a series of rather gruesome adventures, and who, at the end of the war, wrote to the father his cousin by marriage of the young man whom he considered as a nephew, curious to know if he the father and his family had survived the German occupation, and indeed was deeply saddened to learn, in a letter from the young man&mdasha long and touching letter written in English, not by the young man, however, who did not know a damn word of English, but by a good friend of his who had studied English in school&mdashthat his parents both his father and mother and his two sisters one older and the other younger than he had been deported they were Jewish to a German concentration camp Auschwitz probably and never returned, no doubt having been exterminated deliberately X * X * X * X, and that, therefore, the young man who was now an orphan, a displaced person, who, during the war, had managed to escape deportation by working very hard on a farm in Southern France, would be happy and grateful to be given the opportunity to come to America that great country he had heard so much about and yet knew so little about to start a new life, possibly go to school, learn a trade, and become a good, loyal citizen. &mdashRaymond Federman, Double or Nothing (1971)
96. Time is not a line but a dimension, like the dimensions of space. &mdashMargaret Atwood, Cat's Eye (1988)
97. He&mdashfor there could be no doubt of his sex, though the fashion of the time did something to disguise it&mdashwas in the act of slicing at the head of a Moor which swung from the rafters. &mdashVirginia Woolf, Orlando (1928)
98. High, high above the North Pole, on the first day of 1969, two professors of English Literature approached each other at a combined velocity of 1200 miles per hour. &mdashDavid Lodge, Changing Places (1975)
99. They say when trouble comes close ranks, and so the white people did. &mdashJean Rhys, Wide Sargasso Sea (1966)
100. The cold passed reluctantly from the earth, and the retiring fogs revealed an army stretched out on the hills, resting. &mdashStephen Crane, The Red Badge of Courage (1895)
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